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The Dissertation Committee for Lucy Guevara Vélez Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation:

Constructing Latino Cultural Citizenship in the GED Classroom: Mexican Immigrant Students Claim their Right to an Education

Committee:

Angela Valenzuela, Supervisor Douglas Foley Cynthia Salinas Keffrelyn Brown Mary Harris

Constructing Latino Cultural Citizenship in the GED Classroom: Mexican Immigrant Students Claim their Right to an Education

by Lucy Guevara Vélez, B.A.; M.A.

Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

The University of Texas at Austin May 2013

Dedication This milestone would not be possible without the hard work, vision, resilience, and struggle of three women: Marcelina, Enedina, and Alicia; my great-grandmother, grandmother, and mother. Their perseverance, decision to take charge, and willingness to be active participants in their lives is what scholars today call, agency. I call these character traits, agallas (courage). They reflect an immeasurable love for family and for life.

I dedicate this 17-year journey towards a doctorate degree, to them: Las Güeras Taqueras

Acknowledgements My dream for a doctorate degree began in 1996. I enrolled at The University of Texas at Austin full of goals and aspirations. I had my eyes set on one-day teaching college and felt confident that day would eventually come. Yet, I never thought that the journey would be this long and treacherous. Today, as I take the final steps of this journey, I would like to say thank you to family, professor-mentors, and friends for their support. In addition, I want to show my gratitude towards my dissertation committee, the Department of Spanish & Portuguese, and the Center for Mexican American Studies (CMAS) at The University of Texas at Austin. First of all, family: Gracias Efraín. We met in 2000 and you changed my life. Your love for life has been my greatest inspiration. Thank you for being my source of strength during these years in the PhD program. The entire Vélez family, in the States, and in Puerto Rico is the biggest blessing in my life. Adalí and Inesita Vélez, please know that I truly appreciate your help, words of wisdom, and love. I feel very proud to be a Vélez. Second, professor-mentors: In 2004, I arrived at The University of Arizona with a Puerto Rican accent, full of hubris, and very lost. Professor Raquel RubioGoldsmith took me under her wing, offered me a job, listened to my nonsense, and gave me lots of hugs. Most importantly, she taught me what care and mentorship truly looks like. Raquel, you showed me that community lives within our hearts and is not a geographic space. Thank you, Raquel. I promise to honor you in my own work, I am a Raquelista POR VIDA! Third, friends: Corina, Melissa, and Maureen. This group of women provided me with many words of encouragement, guidance, ideas, laughs, and v

love. We provided a safe space of confianza and empowerment for each other. Corina, eres mi hermana. Our friendship was formed by fate but we have nourished it to what it is today. I can’t thank you enough for all of your hermandad and support. Melissa, thank you, thank you, thank you, for answering all of my dissertation questions, for checking in on my progress, and for on top of all this, including Efraín and I in your familia de amigos. We miss you dearly. Maureen, I sincerely appreciate all of your help, the extra pair of eyes, and candid advice. You call me: Santa Lucía; I call you: the fabulous Maureen. I am a better person for knowing you. Fourth, dissertation committee: Dear Drs. Valenzuela, Foley, Salinas, Brown and Harris, thank you for your time and encouragement. I’ve learned so much from you and will use this knowledge to make a difference in adult education. Also, thank you to the Department of Spanish & Portuguese and CMAS for providing me with the opportunity to teach, for helping me grow as an instructor, and providing me with tuition assistance and a salary. Your support made this degree possible. Last, a shout out to Octavio, Lynda, Celi, and Kristel for the many years of free therapy! Thank you to Professors Maggie Rivas-Rodriguez, Bill Stott, J.B. Colson, Raúl Saba, Lydia Otero, Eliud Chuffe, and Emilio Zamora for believing in me during critical moments of my life. Gracias Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella for your time and willingness to be part of this project. Gracias, hijo por dejar que mami terminara su tesis doctoral.

Constructing Latino Cultural Citizenship in the GED Classroom: Mexican Immigrant Students Claim their Right to an Education

Lucy Guevara Vélez, Ph.D. The University of Texas at Austin, 2013

Supervisor: Angela Valenzuela This dissertation uses the Latino cultural citizenship framework to show how Mexican immigrant young adults are using the GED classroom to construct, negotiate, and transform their lives in the United States. It examines the educational experiences of Mexican immigrant young adults enrolled in GED classes at Central Texas Community College and specifically documents their motives for enrolling, their educational journeys, the value of the GED, and the impact of the GED program on their lives and on their future aspirations. The significance of this study is that it will give Adult Basic and Secondary Education programs, especially the program housed at Central Texas Community College, an ethnographic snapshot of one of their fastest growing student populations. Latina/o students represent 73 percent of GED enrollment in this program. Although this dissertation only includes a very small subgroup of Latinos, findings will supplement the limited academic research available on Mexican immigrant young adults within the scope of adult education.

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Table of Contents

Chapter 1: Introduction ............................................................................................1 Statement of Problem ......................................................................................1 Purpose and Significance of Study .................................................................2 Context of Study .............................................................................................7 Theoretical Framework .................................................................................17 Researcher Background and Positionality ....................................................42 Summary of Chapter ....................................................................................59

Chapter 2: Literature Review .................................................................................61 Introduction ...................................................................................................61 Definition and History of Adult Education...................................................63 Philosophical Foundations and Purpose of Adult Education ........................73 History and Value of the GED Credential ....................................................81 GED Credential: Policy Concerns ................................................................88 Immigrants in Adult Education ....................................................................90 Latina/o and Mexican Immigrant Youth in U.S. Schools.............................95 Latina/o Youth and High School Non-completion .....................................102 Summary of Chapter ...................................................................................110

Chapter 3: Research Methodology.......................................................................112 Introduction .................................................................................................112 Research Questions .....................................................................................113 Qualitative Research Design: Narrative Inquiry .........................................115 Access to Site ..............................................................................................120 Recruitment and Selection of Participants ..................................................124 Sample: Brief Introduction to Participants ................................................130 viii

Data Collection and Analysis......................................................................144 Trustworthiness ...........................................................................................152 Ethical Considerations ................................................................................157 Limitations of Study ...................................................................................160 Summary of Chapter ...................................................................................161 Chapter 4: Narratives of Education and Immigration ..........................................163 Introduction .................................................................................................163 Moving Forward: Adult Education and the Value of the GED ..................164 A Binational Educational Journey: Schooling in Mexico and the U.S. ......177 Alfonso...............................................................................................177 María ..................................................................................................187 Bella ...................................................................................................195 Immigration Story, Negotiating Spaces, Identity, and Cultural Citizenship .............................................................................206 CTCC Department of Adult Education Joins the Discussion……………..217 Summary of Chapter ...................................................................................221 Chapter 5: Findings, Discussion, and Implications ............................................223 Introduction .................................................................................................223 Discussion of Findings ................................................................................224 Common Themes Expressed by Participants .....................................224 Answers to the Research Questions ...................................................237 Participant Recommendations for the GED Program at CTCC..................241 Recommendations for Other GED Students ......................................241 Recommendations for the GED Program Supervisor ........................243 Educational Options Provided by the Government of Mexico ...................245 Implications for Future Research ................................................................250 Limitations of Findings ...............................................................................251 Final Thoughts ............................................................................................253

Appendices ...........................................................................................................256 Appendix A: IRB Consent Forms ...............................................................256 Appendix B: Instrumentation......................................................................261 Appendix C: Definition of Terms ...............................................................297 References ............................................................................................................298

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION I. Statement of the Problem Latina/o educational researchers and leaders have addressed the education crisis experienced by Latina/o youth for years, even decades. Most recently, Gándara and Contreras, authors of The Latino Education Crisis: The Consequences of Failed Social Policies, state, “With no evidence of an imminent turnaround in the rate at which Latino students are either graduating from high school or obtaining college degrees, it appears that both a regional and national catastrophe are at hand” (p. 5). Rodríguez (2008) also addresses the urgency of this crisis and asserts, “It’s time for some creative solutions to this pervasive problem, which is destroying the political, economic, and social mobility of our community” (p.264). In Texas, their arguments are supported by statistical information gathered by the Intercultural Development Research Association (IDRA). IDRA reported in October 2010 the results of their Texas Public Schools Attrition Study and stated, “Much has changed in 23 years, but the dropout rate hasn’t” (p.8). Their attrition study showed that little has changed in Texas public education since their first attrition study in 1985-1986. In 2008-2009, Texas schools failed to graduate 31 percent of their students; a percentage that parallels the 1985-86 statistics. IDRA further reports that Latina/o and Black youth face an even grimmer reality. Non-completion rates for these teens are 42 percent and 35 percent respectively. The ongoing education crisis and high attrition rates have prompted scholars to examine the value of the General Educational Development (GED) credential and document how GED programs have moved far from their original purpose. Recent data 1

shows that students enrolled in GED programs gain access to career counseling and postsecondary education options, improve their skills, and feel more optimistic and confident. These students have an opportunity to start over, and leave the “dropout” label behind (Brouillette, 1999; Golden et al., 2005; Ou, 2008). If what Quinn (2002) said is accurate, that “The GED has become America’s largest high school, and the cheapest” (p. 24), then educational researchers should begin to consider the importance of Adult Basic and Secondary Education Programs. This is especially important because the 2011 Annual Statistical Report of the GED shows that the majority, 49 percent, of GED candidates in Texas are Latina/o. Adult Education scholars and practitioners must examine not only how the GED program has changed since its conception, but also must acknowledge the instructional needs of this growing population of students in order to prevent the “double-dropout.”

II. Purpose and Significance of Study The purpose of this qualitative study is to examine the educational experiences of Mexican immigrant young adults enrolled in GED classes at Central Texas Community College (Central Texas CC or CTCC). This dissertation documents their motives for enrolling, their educational journeys, the value of the GED, and the impact of the GED program on their lives and on their future aspirations. The participants of this project are Mexican immigrant young adults who attended but did not complete high school in Central Texas. This student population is rarely studied within the context of adult education. During the time of this study, these participants had returned, as young adults 2

aged 18-24, to an adult education program in order to pursue the GED certificate, complete their secondary education, and continue to build their lives in this country. According to the GED Testing Service, which is under the supervision of the American Council on Education, 434,126 individuals earned a GED certificate in 2011 in the United States. Texas, California, Florida, New York, and Georgia show the highest testing volumes. Texas has 136 testing centers, which makes it the third state with the most centers. GED graduates in Texas receive a Certificate of High School Equivalency. The ethnic distribution of GED passers in this state is the following: Hispanics, 45 percent; Whites, 37 percent; and African Americans, 14 percent. Although the average age of the GED test passer in Texas is 26.2, test passers aged 16-18 and 19-24 are in the largest age groups of test passers and make up 58.7 percent of graduates. This statistical information frames the importance of the GED program and certificate, especially in the lives of young adults. Starting in 2014, the GED program will implement the largest changes since its creation in the 1940s. Tests will be more rigorous, computer-based, and will examine both the high school skills and college readiness of students. For example, the extended response section of the Reading Language Arts Test (RLA) will now require test takers to write an argumentative essay after reading several passages describing opposing perspectives on a topic. Rather than prompting students to write about abstract situations, the 2014 RLA- Essay will evaluate a student’s ability to create arguments and use evidence to support the student’s statements. In addition to content modifications to the tests, professional development opportunities for GED instructors will be updated in 3

order to match the new GED curriculum. The overall philosophy of the GED program has been reframed to reflect current employment demands and postsecondary education requirements. Nicole M. Chestang, Executive Vice President of the GED Testing Service, explains, “The GED Testing Service remains committed to developing a GED assessment system that better serves as a stepping stone rather than an end point for adult learners, and to prepare adults for careers, college, and training programs. These changes will also translate into more career and college counseling services for GED applicants” (GEDTS Memorandum, May 2012). This complete overhaul of the GED curriculum and testing materials shows the continued relevance of the program within the U.S. education system. It is also important to note that the State of Texas has selected to place GED and ESL programs under the jurisdiction of the Texas Workforce Commission rather than the Texas Education Agency. In addition, this study will contribute to the growing body of research that strives to acknowledge the educational experiences of Mexican immigrant youth in the United States. This continued effort to address the educational needs of this group is extremely important. The Migration Policy Institute published a report in June 2011 examining Mexican and Central American immigrants in the United States. This analysis includes information about demographics, policy changes, economic factors that fuel immigration, family structure, employment and income patterns, and geographic distribution. This report also briefly addresses the educational attainment of Mexican immigrants, stating: Mexican immigrants account for the least educated of all immigrant groups. In 2008, 61.5 percent of Mexican immigrants ages 25 years and older had less than a 4

high school degree, compared to 32.5 percent among all foreign-born adults. As well, 5.2 percent had obtained a bachelor’s degree or higher, compared to 27.1 percent among all foreign born.58 Yet there is significant variation in graduation rates among Mexican immigrants as function of their age at arrival: Mexicans who migrate to the United States between the ages of 15 and 21 have only a 28 percent high school completion rate, compared to a 40 percent graduation rate for Mexicans who arrive between ages 5 and 15, and a 78 percent rate for those who arrive before the age of 5. (Migration Policy Institute Report, 2011, p. 18) The participants of this study immigrated to the Central Texas region at age 12 or older. These teens shared their immigration stories and sentiments towards their parents’ decision to immigrate. They divulged their first impressions of the U.S. and details of this life-changing transition. The stories from Mexican youth of international immigration and immigrant life are complex. Here is only one: Tenia 14 años, y no quería venirme por que yo tenía todo allá, tenía todo. Sí, me hacía falta todo, pero tenía todo, mi familia, una vida. Yo no sabía a dónde venía, yo no sabía nada. Pero bueno pues, dije voy con mi mamá. Incluso le dije a una muy buena amiga que era mayor que yo, yo tenia 14, ella tendría 24-25, le dije que yo me quería quedar con ella pero ella dijo que no, allá está tu mamá, te tienes que ir con ella. Pero yo hubiera preferido quedarme con mi amiga. Pero desgraciadamente no se pudo. Después de que llegamos a Austin, duramos como dos meses sin ir a la escuela. Yo lloraba todos los días, que me quería ir a México, que no quería estar aquí. Con excepción de la clase de ESL, todas (las clases) eran en inglés, y era como un shock, no sabes ni que están diciendo ni que tienes que hacer. Las niñas en esas clases me insultaban. Me daba mucho coraje… Ahora en la clase de GED, me siento mejor, me siento feliz, a veces tengo ánimos de acabar, de seguir. -Erica (Estudiante de GED en CTCC) 5

I was 14 years old and did not want to come to the United States because I had everything over there, I had everything. Yes, I needed everything, but I had everything… my family… a life. I did not know where I was going, I did not know anything. But, I told myself, I am going to be with my mother. I even asked a good friend who was older than I was, I was 14, she would have been 24-25 years old. I told her that I wanted to stay with her but she responded that my mother was here and I had to go live with her. But I would’ve preferred to stay with my friend. But unfortunately that was not possible. After we arrived in Central Texas, two months passed before we enrolled in school. I used to cry everyday. I wanted to return to Mexico, I didn’t want to be here. Except for the ESL class, all classes were in English and it was a shock. You don’t understand what they were saying or what you need to do. The girls in class mocked me. This made me so mad. Now in the GED class, I feel better, I feel happy, and sometimes I feel encouraged to finish, to continue… -Erica (GED student at CTCC)

I met Erica in fall 2009 while recruiting students to participate in a small ethnographic project for a course assignment. Although she did not participate in this present study, I could not exclude her from this manuscript. Her narrative underscores the emotional challenges imposed by immigration, her difficulties adapting to U.S. schools, her desire for an education, and the encouragement she received from the GED program. In summary, the purpose of this qualitative study is to document the educational experiences of Mexican immigrant young adults enrolled in GED classes at Central Texas Community College. This research project focuses on examining their reasons for enrolling, their educational journeys, the value of the GED, and the difference that this program has had in their lives and future goals. The significance of this study is that it will give Adult Basic and Secondary Education programs, especially the program housed 6

at Central Texas CC, an ethnographic snapshot of one of their fastest growing student populations. Latina/o students represent 73 percent of GED enrollment in this program. Although this dissertation only includes a very small subgroup of Latinos, findings will supplement the limited academic research available on Mexican immigrant young adults within the scope of adult education. III. Context of Study In this chapter, I have already outlined important information about the GED certificate and upcoming changes. This instructional setting, specifically that provided by Central Texas Community College, is the context of this study. The Adult Education Department at this community college provides both English as a Second Language (ESL) and GED instruction for several cities in this region. Each academic year, approximately 70 GED courses are offered in public schools, housing authority sites, college campuses, nonprofits, education and employment centers, and public libraries within Central Texas County. Restricted enrollment sites provide GED instruction for special populations in the region. These include youth centers such as Communities in Schools and the Science, Mathematics, and Research for Transformation Program (SMART). GED courses are also available for special groups at state hospitals, corrections facilities, and juvenile probation programs. Morning, afternoon, and night classes are offered and contact time varies, but most courses meet four or five times a week. Enrollment for GED classes is open and free of charge for anyone 18 years and older who lives permanently in the United States and does not hold a high school diploma 7

from a U.S. school or from another country. Immigrants who hold B or F visas are not eligible for this program. Adolescents who are 17 years old must present additional documentation, such as a copy of their high school withdrawal letter and a parent consent form. Sixteen year olds must submit an official court order to enroll. The program is closed to students younger than 16 years old. Students are able to enroll after providing a government issued identification card, completing an application, attending an orientation, and taking the initial placement tests. Immigrants may provide an official identification card from their countries of origin. After fulfilling these prerequisites, students are placed according to their reading level in beginner, intermediate, or advanced level courses. Each instructor monitors academic progress through an individualized education plan. Students are required to follow a 75 percent attendance rule and take progress tests in order to remain in good standing with the program. This program also offers support for students transitioning from the ESL program into the Adult Secondary Education setting. Central Texas CC offers a course called ESL to GED transition in which instructors focus primarily on reinforcing literacy skills for adult English language learners. In addition to instructional GED support, the Adult Education Department at Central Texas CC has college and career advisors on staff who assist students with GED test registration, fee waivers or stipend availability, as well as their transition into vocational or higher education opportunities upon passing the GED test. As a GEDCollege Prep program, CTCC guides students through financial aid applications, the college admission process, and registration. Vocational training is also available for 8

those who want to pursue specific, high-demand jobs. The Adult Basic Education Certificate Track program offers GED students the opportunity to complete vocational certificates in areas such as bookkeeping, certified nurse’s aid, heating and air conditioning, and personal computer technician while completing the GED credential. The certificate track has additional enrollment requirements, and the fields vary semester to semester. During the 2010-2011 academic year, the GED program at Central Texas CC served over 4,000 people and graduated 349 students. The program’s graduation rate has increased steadily since 2006. Since 2006, enrollment has been increasingly female; in fact, in 2010-2011, 61 percent of GED students were women. In terms of ethnic background, the majority of GED students were Hispanic/Latino (73 percent) and Black (11 percent). Enrollment of White and Asian students has remained steady each year at 7 percent. The program does not track students by immigration status nor does it restrict its GED courses to United States citizens only. On a larger scale and within a political context, the history and politics of immigration that surround the four participants of this study, Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella, are also very relevant to this project. These participants’ childhood and adolescence were shaped by their family’s forced dependency on the labor opportunities that were accessible in the United States. Their lives today as young adults continue to be influenced by immigration policies and practices. This section addresses the history of Mexican immigration to the United States during what Henderson (2011) calls the periods of Free Trade and Homeland Security (1990-Present). Since Alfonso, Frodo, 9

María, and Bella arrived in Central Texas during this time period, their world has been sculpted by the United States-Mexico landscape of these years. According to an article published in June 2007 in Harvard Magazine, the number of Latinos living in the southern United States from 1990 to 2005 quadrupled, increasing from 562,663 to 2.4 million (p.46). The 1990s began with the implementation of the U.S. Immigration Act of 1990. This law introduced a new limit on immigrant admissions and divided visas into family-based, employment- based, and diversity. Modifications to the number of visas available promoted family reunification and economic growth (Leiden & Neal, 1990). This law also changed the deportation procedures for what the government considered “criminal aliens.” The Act redefined the meaning of aggravated felonies to include drug trafficking, money laundering, and crimes of violence. Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) enforcement agents were given policing rights and were permitted to carry firearms, execute warrants, and make arrests. Procedural protections for immigrants convicted of such crimes were eliminated. During the decade of the 1990s we continued to witness several factors that had a direct impact on immigration from Mexico. Prior to the official start of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Mexico was already experiencing an increasing poverty rate, an overvalued currency, an authoritarian and corrupt political system, unequal distribution of wealth, unemployment, a failing educational system, and unfair agricultural policies. Although proponents of the deregulation and free trade instituted by NAFTA felt that this accord could potentially improve Mexico’s economy and curtail immigration, in reality, it only worsened the state of affairs of an already 10

troubled Mexican government. The rise of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN), the assassination of two politicians, and the peso devaluation, pushed Mexico into an economic crisis (Cerrutti & Massey, 2004). Therefore, the signing of NAFTA in 1994 had a direct impact on Mexican immigration to the United States. Henderson (2011) explains, “Mexico entered a period of turmoil, propelling more of its citizens than ever to head north to participate in the relatively robust U.S. economy (p.118). Although more recent reports show post-NAFTA gains for the Mexican economy, scholars during the early 2000s confirmed its failure. Henderson (2011) explains: NAFTA has created few jobs of any kind in Mexico, poverty has not decreased, and the volume of migration to the United States has increased from 370,000 per year on average between 1990 and 1994 to 575,000 per year between 2000 and 2004. (p. 137) The United States responded to this crisis in Mexico by escalating the militarization of the U.S.-Mexico border with a series of border control operations. Peter Andreas’ (2000) work examines the political agenda of the Clinton Administration. Although previous presidents had initiated the process of militarization and implemented low-intensity conflict strategies along the U.S.-Mexico border, President Clinton spearheaded a series of blockade projects. Only seven months after his inauguration and after claiming that border control was not the priority of his administration and that he would reduce the budget of the Immigration and Naturalization Service, President Clinton shifted his policy. In 1993, the INS, with the full support of President Clinton, instituted numerous blockades and built physical barriers along the border in an attempt 11

to detain undocumented immigrants before they entered the country. The seven-milelong fence that was constructed along the San Diego-Tijuana border in 1991 covered 14 miles in 1996. Border security strategies included Operation Hold the Line (1993), Operation Gatekeeper (1994), Operation Safeguard (1995), and Operation Rio Grande (1997). These strategies increased the militarization of the U.S.-Mexico border. A spike in anti-immigrant sentiments across the nation fueled these types of border enforcement policies, and this visible display of force was very popular with people in the United States. Many felt that the government was finally working to resolve undocumented immigration. Immigrants, however, were forced to cross the border in remote and dangerous areas of the desert. The militarization of the border resulted in 5,607 deaths from 1994-2008 (Data gathered by No More Deaths). The Department of Homeland Security estimates 4,111 deaths since 1998 (Rose, 2012). Another consequence of the heightened border enforcement was that immigrants were opting to stay in the United States rather than return to Mexico. Circular immigration became permanent migration. Anti-immigration initiatives in the United States continued well into the late 1990s. The Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 (IIRIRA) continued to criminalize immigrants. Not only did this law increase the militarization of the U.S.-Mexico border, but it also implemented criminal penalties for undocumented entry, reduced the immigrants’ legal rights, and expedited deportation procedures. In addition, local and state governments were given the authority to deny social welfare benefits to immigrants, undocumented or not. De Genova (2006) describes this law as, “the most punitive legislation to date concerning undocumented migration” 12

(p. 79). Castañeda (2006) highlights how this law created a direct connection between migration and criminalization, stating: With provisions that established civil penalties for illegal entries, and the authorization to fingerprint illegal aliens, IIRIRA aimed at hindering migrants’ later possibilities for becoming legal residents or citizens. In this sense, migrants move between categories; they can go from being workers, fathers, and mothers, to becoming criminals. A line is crossed for migrants and they acquire a new subjectivity with far reaching ramifications for their daily lives. (p. 155) The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 (PRWORA) further enforced this measure. De Genova (2006) reiterates the severity of these laws. He states, “By restricting access to public services and social welfare benefits, these legislations especially targeted undocumented women and their children and weighed heavily inordinately upon Mexicans as a group” (De Genova, 2006, p.80). Although some restrictions were lifted by the end of the 1990s, this decade was marked by an anti-immigrant discourse. During the Homeland Security Era (2001 to present), we have witnessed varying levels of nativism from federal and state initiatives, as well as from individuals across the country (Henderson, 2011).

The PATRIOT Act of 2001 dissolved the INS and formed

the Department of Homeland Security that also houses Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). ICE has aggressively raided homes and workplaces through operations such as Endgame (2003-2012), Front Line (2004-2005), and Return to Sender (2006-2007). Under this new office, the Secure Border Initiative further increased the 13

militarization of the U.S.- Mexico border, instituted employer sanctions, and authorized rapid deportations without hearings. The Secure Fence Act expedited the completion of 850 miles of fencing along this border. Arizona, Alabama, Indiana, Georgia, and Mississippi reacted to this criminalization of immigration by implementing their own anti-immigrant legislation. This nativist movement has also found support among the general public. Not only have conservative leaders expressed their extremist analyses of immigration, but so, too, has the coalition of civilian groups, such as the Minuteman, claiming to protect the country from terrorists. Another factor not to be ignored is immigrant students’ access to higher education; specifically, the importance of the Development, Relief and Education for Alien Minors (DREAM) Act. Although this study does not examine the immigration status of participants, this concern did arise during our conversations. The DREAM Act was first introduced in the U.S. Senate on August 1, 2001, but it has yet to receive the required support from Congress. If passed, the DREAM Act would: 1) give states the right to determine their own in-state tuition regulations; and, 2) provide a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants who entered the United States as children. This Act would cancel the removal of undocumented immigrants and an applicant would receive conditional permanent status for a six-year period if the following stipulations were met: a. entered the United States before the age of 16. b. has lived in the United States for five years before the enactment of the law. c. demonstrates good moral character and does not have a criminal record. 14

d. is not deportable under the Immigration and Nationality Act. e. has earned a high school diploma or equivalent (GED) or been admitted to an institution of higher education. f. has never been under a final order of deportation/removal since the age of 16. g. is under the age of 35 on the day the law is enacted. In order to receive permanent resident status, the applicants have six years to earn an associate’s or bachelor’s degree, be successfully enrolled in an institution of higher education, or serve two years in the military. Those enrolled in college would have access to some higher education financial assistance, such as work study and federal student loans. The DREAM Act would also provide these individuals with work authorization and protection from deportation. Applicants must comply with the mandates of the Immigration and Nationality Act and remain a resident in the United States. If the Act passes and after the applicant complies with these requirements, the person’s status will be changed to unconditional permanent resident and the individual will have the option to gain U.S. citizenship via the normal process. The DREAM Act was re-introduced in March 2009 by Senators Durbin (D-IL), Richard Lugar (R-IN), Harry Reid (D-NV), Mel Martinez (R-FL), Patrick J. Leahy (DVT), Joseph Lieberman (I-CT), Edward M. Kennedy (D-MA), Russel D. Feingold (DWI), and Representative Howard Berman (D-CA). The bill received support from the Obama Administration, and the current eligibility criteria were established and outlined in the 2009 re-introduction. The loss of conditional permanent status is possible if the undocumented immigrant does not comply with the educational or military requirements 15

within the stipulated six-year period, or if the applicant is convicted of any crime that could result in deportation. The DREAM Act was incorporated into the Defense Authorization Act for 2011 and failed to receive support from Congress in September 2010. In November 2010, President Obama agreed to introduce the DREAM Act into the House of Representatives by the end of the month, but no further progress was made. In July 2012, President Barack Obama signed the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) memorandum to use prosecutorial discretion with respect to immigrants who came to the country as children. The memo issued by Janet Napolitano, Secretary of Homeland Security, explains: Our Nation’s immigration laws must be enforced in a strong and sensible manner. They are not designed to be blindly enforced without consideration given to the individual circ*mstances of each case. Nor are they designed to remove productive young people to countries where they may not have lived or even speak the language. Indeed, many of these young people have already contributed to our country in significant ways. Prosecutorial discretion, which is used in so many other areas, is especially justified here. Napolitano outlined the following criteria for an applicant: a. came to the United States under the age of sixteen. b. has continuously resided in the United States for at least five years preceding the date of this memorandum and is present in the United States on the date of this memorandum. c. is currently in school, has graduated from high school, has obtained a general education development certificate, or is an honorably discharged veteran of the Coast Guard or Armed Forces of the United States. 16

d. has not been convicted of a felony offense, a significant misdemeanor offense, multiple misdemeanor offenses, or otherwise poses a threat to national security or public safety. e. is not above the age of thirty. The Department of Homeland Security also issued guidelines for several policing agencies, such as U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP), and for U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), concerning removal proceedings for individuals who meet the above criteria. The immigrants who are granted deferred action by these government agencies will also qualify for work authorization. This executive order makes clear, “This memorandum confers no substantive right, immigration status or pathway to citizenship. Only the Congress, acting through its legislative authority, can confer these rights” (Memorandum, Janet Napolitano, June 15, 2012). The GED test, GED program at Central Texas Community College, and access to higher education directly impact the current and future educational goals of the participants of this study. These three contexts will be considered when addressing recommendations in the final chapter of this dissertation. Although this dissertation does not focus on evaluating the GED Test or GED program at Central Texas CC, it will provide suggestions for best practices for this group of GED students.

IV. Theoretical Framework This dissertation project uses the Latino cultural citizenship framework to show how Mexican immigrant young adults are using the GED classroom to construct, 17

negotiate, and transform their lives in the United States. This theoretical perspective both acknowledges the agency of the participants in this study and highlights my own viewpoint as an adult education instructor of immigrant students. The work of Rosaldo (2009) best outlines the theoretical lens that guided this study, including my interaction with each participant, as well as the design of the interview script and data analysis procedures. He asserts: The notion of cultural citizenship challenges social analysts to attend with care to the point of view from which they conduct their studies. Too often social thought anchors its research in the vantage point of the dominant social group and thus reproduces dominant ideology by studying subordinate groups as a “problem” rather than as people with agency–with goals, perceptions, and purposes of their own. (Rosaldo, 2009, p. 260)

Numerous scholars have used the Latino cultural citizenship framework to redefine the meaning of citizenship and further examine how despite anti-immigrant sentiments and rigid state policies, immigrants are creating new social spaces for themselves in this country. In addition, academic research has connected this theory to how immigrant groups form a new transnational identity and become involved in community activism, as well as to how immigrant youth exert their agency (Flores and Benmayor, 1997; Weis et al, 2002; Stephen, 2003; Galindo, Medina, and Chávez, 2005; Oboler, 2006; Delgado Bernal et al, 2008). The following is a review of the most

relevant, interdisciplinary scholarship produced under the Latino cultural citizenship perspective. Flores and Benmayor (1997) collaborated on Latino Cultural Citizenship: Claiming Identity, Space, and Rights, an anthology that examines how several Latino communities fight to build social spaces, claim rights, and actively engage in society. This book was written during the late 1990s, a period already mentioned marked by antiimmigrant legislation that affected health care, social services, and public education for immigrant groups. This book shows the power and agency of these communities. Featuring scholarship written by Renato Rosaldo, William Flores, Richard Flores, and others, this anthology counters this anti-immigrant discourse and asserts, “This country is strengthened, not weakened, by the vibrancy brought to it by immigrant and non-white communities” (Flores & Benmayor, 1997, p.5). Rosaldo begins this theoretical discussion by first examining the historical meaning of citizenship. He presents a brief overview of the language of the U.S. Constitution and of the journey of generations of disenfranchised women and people of color toward gaining recognition from the federal government. In the case of Latinos, Rosaldo focuses on the use of the terms “alien” or “illegal” to label, marginalize, and criminalize this community. These labels incorrectly imply that all undocumented immigrants fail to obey the laws of this country and that all Latinos are undocumented or entered the country under questionable circ*mstances. Rosaldo refutes these arguments and stresses the law-abiding qualities of this group and the early settlement of Latinos within the territory that is today the United 19

States. He then moves on to address the concept of culture and how it intersects with citizenship. Rosaldo dissects internalized oppression, the militarization and violence of the U.S.-Mexico border, the prejudice that often surrounds voting practices, and cultural events to show the relevance of culture in the understanding of citizenship. He finalizes his discussion by stating: Cultural citizenship operates in an uneven field of structural inequalities where the dominant claims of universal citizenship assume a propertied white male subject and usually blind themselves to their exclusions and marginalizations of people of color who differ in gender, race, sexuality, race, and age. (Rosaldo, 1997, p.37) Silvestrini (1997) continues the analysis of cultural citizenship by examining how Latinos view their rights. She reports on her experience with two Latino groups in California. Each group revealed a desire to build community and gain a stronghold on their rights and both faced structural obstacles in doing so. Silvestrini quickly moves into a discussion of how Latino communities understand and interpret the legal system. She explains, “Latinos draw upon their own historical paths, their distinct cultural backgrounds, and the shared experiences of living in multiethnic communities to construct their own ways of understanding the law and the norms that govern everyday life” (p.43). According to Silvestrini, in this country case law has failed to address the connection between the legal system and culture. After examining several legal cases she concludes that although, “Culture as such is not constitutionally protected” (p.51), it is sometimes addressed by the court. For Latinos, culture constitutes realms such history, 20

language, community, and the arts. It provides a sense of belonging and identity. The United States identifies society as hom*ogenous and only address these components of culture when it feels it must institute boundaries. For example, bilingual or bicultural education policies often illustrate the prevalence of the assimilation rhetoric of the U.S. legal system. Silvestrini explains, “In their everyday life, Latinos move back and forth from cultural citizenship to legal citizenship and from one identity to the other” (p.46). Consequently, cultural citizenship is vital to their membership in U.S. society. Part two of this anthology centers on ethnographic work that was conducted during the 1990s under this theoretical framework. Renato Rosaldo and William Flores present the results of an ethnographic project they conducted during the early 1990s in California. They explore how Mexicano/Chicano and Puerto Rican communities make sense of social relations and spaces, rights, and other immigrant groups. Latinos who participated in their study voiced a strong connection between such cultural concepts as respeto (respect) and dignidad (dignity). They documented that despite generational differences, these groups felt a strong desire to build a community in which they could voice their concerns and provide cultural and educational support for their people. The authors close the chapter and state, “These ‘new’ immigrants are not only ‘imagining’ America, they are creating it anew” (p. 96). In the next chapter, Rocco (1997) extends this analysis by showing how several immigrant communities in Los Angeles share a strong sense of membership within the larger Latino community, how they deserve access to equal opportunities, and how they have the right to practice their own home culture and maintain their identity. They are not outsiders but contributors to the 21

progress and welfare of U.S. society. According to Rocco, this claim to social rights will lead to social citizenship and, one day, to full citizenship. Flores (1997) brings this discussion back to Texas and focuses on how cultural performance is linked to cultural citizenship. He examines the annual production of the play, Los Pastores, in San Antonio and explains how this presentation contributes by building a sense of community and also strengthening a collective cultural identity. This collaboration translates into political formation and action. Flores explains, “This aspect of cultural citizenship takes seriously a community’s efforts, whether conscious or not, to exert their own sense of self through cultural practice since these efforts are the foundation for any common action” (p.150). The next two chapters of this anthology focus on forms of cultural citizenship exhibited by two groups of women. First, Benmayor, Torruellas, and Juarbe (1997) discuss the findings of the their work with 16 women at El Barrio Community Center in East Harlem. These women asserted their cultural citizenship by demanding to be treated with respect by social services agents, fulfilling their long deferred dreams of an education by enrolling in GED classes and by participating in empowering activities at El Barrio. The authors emphasize that although this adult education program did not turn these women into organizers and activists, it did prompt the women into social action. El Barrio Community Center was a culturally meaningful educational institution for the Puerto Rican community in New York City and a site of cultural citizenship. Next, William Flores recounts the activism displayed by Chicanas and Mexican women in a cannery strike in Watsonville, California, in the mid 1980s. These women used the strike 22

not only as a way to regain respect and dignity, but also as a method to protect their family’s wellbeing and children’s future. They emerged as agents of change with new roles and voices, and a renewed sense of self-worth. They succeeded in building a strong political community, winningthe strike, and helping a Latino mayor get elected. The author asserts, “The Watsonville strike demonstrates how cultural citizenship involves agency and affirmation, reflecting the active role of the oppressed in claiming what is their own, of defending it, and drawing sustenance and strength from that defense” (p.251). William Flores (1997) provides the final discussion of Latino cultural citizenship. He uses three examples of activism to show how Latinos are claiming community spaces and rights. This piece provides a personal reflection of his 25 years of work with the Latino community in San Jose, California. Flores explains that although the issue of undocumented immigration sometimes divides this community, “the protection of the rights of the undocumented is inexorably linked to the rights of all Latinos” (p.260). His work shows how Chicanos rallied to defend the rights of undocumented immigrants and asserted their right to choose who belongs to their community. The first example demonstrates how Chicanos stood in support of this group’s access to medical care at a local clinic. In his next example, Chicanos mobilized to provide school-required vaccines for undocumented children and informed parents of their children’s school rights. The final example describes the network formed to support the undocumented community against federally mandated raids. Chicanos organized the Raza Sí protest

against President Reagan’s Operation Jobs and were able to convince city employees not to cooperate with these regulations. This collective effort by Latina/o scholars once again defines Latino cultural citizenship and summarizes the ways in which Latina/o communities are asserting their cultural rights in this country. These include: creating their own physical and expressive spaces, rejecting the government-outlined boundaries of citizenship, opening a social space for undocumented communities and empowering them to emerge as social and political agents, redefining through activism the meaning of social membership, and producing counter-narratives to revise history and offer new perspectives of U.S. society (Flores & Benmayor, 1997). Scholars have also used this theory to frame qualitative studies and examine identity formation, social activism, and youth engagement of immigrant groups in the United States. The following is a review of journal articles published after 2000. Weis and colleagues (2002) studied the ways in which working class Puerto Rican men form an identity and a life on the U.S. mainland. These scholars conducted in-depth interviews with young men and women of different ethnic backgrounds. This article focuses solely on their findings about Puerto Rican men. They assert, “Cultural citizenship refers to attitudes and practices that affirm the right to equal treatment and participation in the society through the right to cultural difference and dual allegiances” (Weis et al, 2002, p.291). These men affirmed their cultural citizenship by proclaiming their Puerto Rican identity and declaring their right to preserve their heritage. They felt discrimination on the U.S. mainland and voiced their anger for not having equal employment opportunities. 24

The researchers also documented their struggle to “be seen as Puerto Ricans, distancing from the black-white dichotomy” (Weis et al, 2002, p.294). In addition to asserting their right to be Puerto Rican on the U.S. mainland, these men were also in the process of forming their own masculine identity, as well as deciding whether to reject or maintain traditional ideas of gender. The authors conclude, “In some spaces, in some communities, Latinos are carving out new sites for a mooring of identities” (Weis et al, 2002, p.300). Galindo, Medina, and Chávez (2005) use the notion of Latino cultural citizenship to examine how binational federal policies help shape the political identity of Latino immigrants living in the United States. These authors explore the impact of two policies, the DREAM Act and Mexico’s dual nationality policy. Galindo and colleagues begin by showing how the Latino cultural citizenship framework finally acknowledges the multiple, cultural identities of Latinos, something that is devalued by anti-immigrant initiatives. They explain, “This unique and hybrid identity forces Latinos in the United States to claim their own identity space. This space and identity is what the term ‘Latino cultural citizenship’ intends to capture” (p. 81). According to the authors, the dual nationality policy enforced by Mexico in 1998 has significantly impacted the political identity of Mexican immigrants living in the United States. Essentially, the Mexican government secured political and economic ties with Mexicans in the U.S., and U.S. residents from Mexico felt encouraged to naturalize. Prior to this legislation, Mexican nationals who gained U.S. citizenship had to forfeit their Mexican citizenship. Although the authors note that this change in policy by the 25

Mexican government has critics, this policy recognized the existence of a transnational identity. Galindo, Medina, and Chávez (2005) also argue that the DREAM Act also addresses questions of identity and the space of nonexistence that many undocumented youth face in the United States. This article includes information about the state and federal versions of the DREAM Act as well as its significance to the Latino community. At the federal level, this legislation would provide access to higher education and remove the threat of deportation for undocumented young adults. Galindo, Medina, and Chávez (2005) conclude, “This dual source of influence in turn illustrates the complexity of Latino political identity that is shaped not only by federal policies, but also by policies that originate in the sending countries. (p. 98). Stephen (2003) presents the findings on his ethnographic research and collaboration with a farmworker union, Northwest Treeplanters and Farmworkers United (PCUN) in Oregon. Stephen (2003) documented the history of Mexican immigration to the area, the narratives of farmworkers, and the efforts to organize laborers to address labor rights, housing conditions, racism, and wage concerns. He uses the notion of cultural citizenship to show the contributions of these men to their own community. Stephen (2003) provides a clear definition of this theoretical perspective as it applies to his work with farmworkers in Oregon. He explains, The positive proposition of cultural citizenship provides an opening for Mexican immigrant workers to belong – as citizens– in communities they live in. It also positively affirms recognition, respect, and celebration of cultural differences associated with processes of border crossing and migration. (Stephen, 2003, p.29) 26

The activism of this farmworker union shows how Mexican immigrants construct a new sense of local citizenship, form new political and social spaces, and nurture community networks. By doing this, they are asserting their cultural backgrounds, identity, and rights. PCUN provided support for the laborers of the area such as advocacy, ESL and citizenship classes, as well as procurement of labor rights and fair contracts. This essentially provides recognition for all immigrant workers and makes them legitimate members of the community. Stephen (2003) credits PCUN not only for their efforts to defend undocumented Mexican immigrant farmworkers from racist, unfair, and discriminatory practices, but also for creating a safe space for them in western Oregon. He concludes, “PCUN has helped build cultural citizenship for Mexican immigrants in Woodburn, Oregon, and well beyond” (p. 36). Delgado Bernal, Aleman, Jr., and Flores Carmona (2008) discuss the work of Adelante, which in Utah is a partnership between a school, university and community wherein students, their parents, university personnel, and community leaders join to address issues that surround the K-16 educational pipeline. The authors outline their use of Latino cultural citizenship by stating, “We draw upon the notion of cultural citizenship to reframe ‘citizens’ from individuals who have legal membership in a nation-state to encompass political subjects who contribute to society and claim membership and rights for themselves and their community” (p. 32). In conjunction with Latino cultural citizenship, the authors used concepts from Chicana feminist theory, such as educación (education), consejos (advice), pláticas (workshops), testimonios (testimonials), convivencia (gathering), and confianza (trust) to explore how the everyday practices of 27

those who were part of Adelante as well as part of the 2006 immigration reform marches, alter the established definition of citizen. They collected qualitative data through interviews, participation observations, and focus groups. Their work with two kindergarten classes focused on nurturing a college-going literacy (Gildersleeve, 2010) among young Latina/o children. This included regular visits to the university, hands-on activities, mentoring, and community forums for parents to share their concerns and ideas. In addition to working with children at Adelante, these researchers collaborated with the undergraduate and graduate students who mentored the children. Delgado Bernal, Aleman, Jr., and Flores Carmona (2008) concluded, We found that kindergarteners, their parents, and their mentors, regardless of legal citizenship status, engaged in ongoing struggles over human rights related to language, culture, education, and belonging. Viewing Adelante constituents as purveyors of a Latina/o cultural citizenship can inform educational policy and practice. (p.45)

Flores (2003) examines traditional notions of citizenship and proclaims, “New citizen groups bring new needs to the polity and begin to enunciate and claim new rights” (p.295). His piece titled New Citizens, New Rights: Undocumented Immigrants and Latino Cultural Citizenship defines citizenship as “a process of claiming rights rather than the passive acquisition of an arbitrary and limited set of rights” (p. 295). Flores (2003) further explains that Latinos are making new social spaces for themselves in this country where they are “free to express themselves and feel at home” (p.297). He also 28

makes clear that this process is not always filled with opposition. He presents three cases, taken from his dissertation research, that document how Latinos are asserting their cultural citizenship. The three cases presented by the author show how Mexican immigrants and Chicanos joined forces to secure a social space that allowed them to safeguard community efforts and claim rights. First, these two groups formed a coalition to protest deportations during the late 1970s. Second, Chicano activists challenged the meaning of traditional citizenship by advocating for the undocumented members of their community and by asserting their right to be part of it. This coalition also worked together to provide school- required immunizations for children in the community clinic, alerts to warn immigrants of the presence of federal immigration agents inside the community, workshops to inform people of their legal rights, and temporary homes for the children of those deported. Information was also allotted via community plays. Flores (2003) explains the importance of these performances: These cultural forms allowed children and parents to discover new strengths. The undocumented, who are used to concealing their identities and their status, found sufficient strength to take center stage in a skit about their conditions. The acto (play) revealed the complexities of the broader social drama it exemplified–the fear of deportation, fear of separation from loved ones, anger at the power of the INS, and the message that from collective action comes the strength to confront it. (pp. 300-301)

These skits allowed community members to have a voice and encouraged many to become agents of change. Third, Chicanos and Mexican immigrants once again formed a collective effort against President Reagan’s Operation Jobs in which undocumented immigrants with good-paying jobs were arrested and deported in order to secure these positions for U.S. citizens. This coalition focused on protesting Reagan’s mandate, securing support from community leaders, and participating in national debates about immigration legislation. These three examples of community activism illustrate cultural citizenship. Flores (2003) concludes, By creating a space for discussion and cultural practices, Chicano activists have also created a social space for the participation of undocumented Mexicans in civil society– in theatrical performances, protests, social debates over legislation, and in some cases, even electoral victories. Mexican immigrants are emerging as political actors– as citizens, in the broadest sense- demanding their rights. (p. 304) Scholars have also researched how Mexican immigrant youth, U.S. Mexican children, and Latina/o immigrant students assert their cultural citizenship by claiming new social spaces and their rights in the United States. Mirón and Inda (2004) document the narratives of 12 high school students enrolled in a summer language program in California in 1997. These students were recent immigrants to the United States and had spent less than three years in the country. The students shared their journeys and transitions to schooling and life in a new place. Mirón and Inda (2004) highlight the story of Julio, Javier, Galia, and Adriana. These teens emphasized the importance and 30

urgency they felt in learning English. In addition to voicing a need to learn English in order to gain access to better employment opportunities and college, students shared their immigration experiences, schooling in Mexico, familial responsibilities, difficulties with both English and Spanish, struggle to find their place in the U.S., and losing the security they felt in their home countries. The authors explain, “The student we worked with place much faith in English as a means for economic betterment. We interpret this desire as a link to constructing cultural citizenship” (p.242). According to Mirón and Inda (2004) these students manifested their cultural citizenship by claiming their right to learn English, maintaining their native language, and forming a transnational identity. Franquiz and Brochin-Ceballos (2006) present the findings of an ethnographic study of the creative ability of Mexican American youth living in the South Texas border. They joined the community of Encinal during the summer of 2003 in a project called the South Texas Writing Project. The authors explain their use of cultural citizenship: The scholarship on cultural citizenship informs us because it focuses on the ways that Mexican culture is excluded from or assimilated into enduring social structures such as schools. We make a case for students affirming their rights to cultural citizenship through visual literacy. (Franquiz & Brochin-Ceballos, 2006, p. 6) The authors extend the meaning of rights to include personal and collective expression. They provide four ways in which teachers can foster cultural citizenship through visual literacy projects. These consist of providing access to culturally relevant texts, empowering students to write or create art based on their lived experiences, fostering 31

cultural preservation, and engaging students in active and inductive learning. Franquiz and Brochin-Ceballos collaborated with community leaders, teachers, family members, and students in the completion and editing of storyboards and video poems. While working with this community, the authors gained a better understanding of how students, through their writing and artwork, assert, confirm, and build their cultural citizenship. They further recommend instructional strategies to support the academic engagement of U.S. Mexican students. Their work emphasizes the importance of literacy activities that involve collaboration and multiple media sources, the use of culturally relevant materials, encouraging students to share their opinions and interests, and providing opportunities to work with local art organizations. The authors assert, “Educators ought to make every effort to make claims for and questions of cultural citizenship visible in the literate lives of children living within and among many borderlands of the 21st century (p. 12). Getrich (2008) documents the notion of cultural citizenship as it was expressed by second-generation, Mexican youth in San Diego. The author explains her definition of cultural citizenship: “Cultural citizenship as I conceive it encompasses both how immigrants operate within the institutional constraints placed on them by the U.S. nationstate and civil society and the ways in which immigrants themselves claim space and rights in society” (p.536). Her ethnographic look at the participation of immigrant youth in the 2006 protests for immigrant rights shows how immigrant teens negotiate social belonging and identity issues. Participating in the protests gave these teens the opportunity to advocate for the social inclusion of their undocumented family members

and peers, reflect upon their own identity, and gain critical awareness of the political and social concerns of the Latino community. Getrich (2008) concludes: The teens have come to understand how their identities are circ*mscribed by issues surrounding national belonging; however, they have also come up with their own formulations as to why nation-state belonging is not the best measure of where someone belongs and who they are. (p.551) Moreno (2008) uses this framework to examine the sense of belonging and citizenship among the children of Mexican immigrants. She explores how college age Latina/o students, “define themselves, define their membership, claim rights, and develop a vision of the type of society they want to live in” (p. 54). Qualitative research over five summers revealed that these young adults encountered citizenship surveillance, multiple ideas of citizenship, and barriers and limitations imposed by citizenship. She concludes, “Questions of citizenship for U.S.-born young adults are not answered by their legal status; rather, their journey to citizenship is about the ways their family and community members build their sense of citizenship in everyday life” (p.69). For these students, notions of cultural and legal citizenship collide and have an impact on identity. Another important text is Latinos and Citizenship, edited by Oboler published in 2006. This anthology further defines citizenship and addresses how this concept can be used to examine the political landscape of the United States, public policy, immigrant life, and how state and federal practices have shaped the meaning of citizenship. Here citizenship is defined as:

A process that is inclusive and ongoing and one that is neither imposed nor dictated by the state alone. Rather, it is a lived experience, grounded in the negotiated participation of all groups, of all sectors and individuals within the community. (Oboler, 2006, p. 5)

This collective effort begins with a discussion of the struggle for political inclusion experienced by Puerto Ricans within the continental United States. This piece, by Thomas (2006), highlights the marginalization faced by this group in New York City during the 1930s. Puerto Ricans were excluded from social welfare programs and stigmatized by government officials as a disease-ridden community. This discourse created mass unemployment and unfair restrictions for Puerto Rican children. Puerto Ricans responded to such racialization and discrimination by coming together in protest. The fight for social equality and rights in New York City also caused Puerto Rico’s political association with the United States to surface. Thomas (2006) explains, “Protestors such as Vega framed their local rights–to freedom from defamation and discrimination–such that they were inseparable from the problem of Puerto Rico’s political relationship to the U.S.” (p.43). For Puerto Ricans, citizenship meant asserting their rights as local citizens of New York City as well as claiming the right to selfdetermination for their homeland. The author states, “Puerto Ricans are a central part of the history of changing discourses of U.S. citizenship, for all Americans, during the New Deal” (p. 52).

This book next includes a comprehensive discussion of the public policy implications that surround citizenship in the United States. De Genova (2006) examines the impact of federal and state legislation on immigration from Mexico. He focuses on the changes implemented by post 1965 immigration laws and how these regulations produced illegality. For example, Mexican immigrant labor became policed and stigmatized as illegal. Restrictions enacted by the Immigration Reform and Control Act (1986), the Immigration Act (1990), and the Illegal Immigrant Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (1996) further disciplined and policed the Mexican immigrant community. De Genova (2006) makes clear, “The legal production of ‘illegality’ has made an object of Mexican migration in ways both historically and disproportionately deleterious” (p. 76). Castañeda (2006) provides additional analyses of the practices of citizenship of Mexican immigrants. According to Castañeda, migrants’ experience of citizenship includes three elements: law, belonging, and the political landscape. Her work reveals that laws passed by the Mexican government also dictate the meaning of citizenship for Mexican migrants. This community not only lives under the confines of laws such as the Illegal Immigrant Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (1996), but also under the Mexican Nationality Law (1996). Her qualitative work shows the examples of the Andrés Bermúdez, an agribusiness owner from California, and three immigrants from the state of Michoacán. Although Bermúdez won a political seat in a small municipality in Mexico and was one of the first immigrants with dual citizenship to be elected, his victory was repealed. Castañeda (2006) explains: 35

Regardless of the fact that again and again, through their political activism, identity, and memory practices, as well as through their investment–their remittances–migrants have demonstrated their interest in Mexico, they are still excluded from full membership in the imagined community. (pp. 148-149) Moreover, laws in the United States criminalize immigrants and prevent them from becoming citizens. Laws, citizenship, and identity are interconnected and immigrants’ sense of belonging is shaped by transnational spaces. These transnational practices challenge the established meaning of citizenship as both countries prescribe it. Chapter 4 by Gilberton (2006) and chapter 5 by Escobar (2006) further discuss the concept of transnationalism. Chapter 4 shows the complex ties that exist between sending and receiving nations and how immigrants negotiate both spaces as they form a new life in the receiving nation; in this case, the United States. Gilberton (2006) examines how the Castillo family, a Dominican family in New York City, process issues such as citizenship, welfare reform, dual nationality, criminalization of immigrants, and return immigration. This family describes citizenship as both a necessity and a right. Citizenship not only ensures economic stability, but also easy travel to the Dominican Republic. It is their right after many years of hard work helping to fuel the U.S. economy. This was the family’s primary reason for seeking U.S. citizenship; not to access welfare assistance. Dual citizenship encouraged this family to naturalize, reaffirm their binational identity, and provided greater security. This study also revealed that the policing enforced by federal and state legislations prompted many family members to become U.S. citizens. These restrictions devalued their legal resident status and 36

threatened the possibility of these people to one day return to their home country. For many, return migration provided an opportunity to break away from the low-paying jobs and marginalization they endured in New York City. The author concludes, “Immigrants resist and embrace various aspects of state constructions of citizenship” (p. 108). Escobar (2006) continues to address the meaning of dual citizenship and shows what this means for Colombian immigrants residing in New Jersey during the 1990s. Escobar demonstrates that despite the fact that the United States is heavily vested in controlling immigration and citizenship, Colombians remain committed to maintaining a connection to their homeland. For this group, naturalization does not reflect disloyalty to Colombia nor are these ties a threat to the United States. Dual citizenship provides opportunity for family reunification, prevention of deportation, and access to federal and state resources. Escobar concludes, “Dual citizenship and transnational politics are not endangering but transforming citizenship in the United States” (p.137). The next section presents the work of four scholars. These essays explain the qualitative findings of how different immigrant groups redefine the meaning of belonging and citizenship. Urciuoli (2006) shares the narratives of six U.S.-born Latina/o students who at the time of the study were experiencing what it meant to be Latina/o at a college campus in the Northeast. Urciuoli describes how the multicultural label affects the ways that this group of students is marked within the college setting. Within this context, students have to adjust their own cultural identities to fit in. She explains, “A student’s language and culture should fit into the idealized ‘multicultural student’ configuration” (p.181). These students are linguistically and racially marked. Professors penalized 37

students for their limited writing skills and presumed interference of their native language. These students also experienced language prejudices from peers. As a result, the students became self-aware and internalized these aggressions. Urciuoli concludes, “The very linguistic practices on which they build a sense of Latinidad- practices that should be culturally validating- become racial markers” (p. 188). Coll (2006) expands on this discussion of belonging and citizenship. Her work with Mujeres Unidas y Activas (United and Active Women), a group in San Francisco, shows how women’s contributions are key in understanding new meanings of citizenship. During a women’s leadership project held at this organization, participants received instruction about state and federal immigration legislation, welfare reform, civil rights history, community building, and self-esteem. During these collaborations, women voiced similar concerns. They discussed a shared need for quality education, appropriate healthcare, affordable housing, and fair wages. These women expressed that basic human services were their human rights. Citizenship was deeply connected to self-respect, dignity, and humane treatment from the state. Coll (2006) closes the chapter by asserting: These narratives indicated that women acted to claim their rights and define their own subjectivity, sometimes alternately and at other times simultaneously, on individual, familial, community, and national levels. Grassroots social analysts like these women suggest that not only is a new, more multifaceted and inclusive citizenship theoretically possible, but that the processes of building upon and

changing the terms of belonging and entitlement in the U.S. are well underway. (pp. 213-214) The final two chapters of this section underscore the political mobilization efforts of two undocumented communities in California. The piece written by Varsanyi (2006) shows that undocumented immigrants are interested and willing to participate in electoral politics despite not being able to vote themselves. This community is often unfavorably impacted by elections and chooses to participate in campaign politics in order to motivate Latinos to vote. According to Varsanyi, there are three reasons for this increase in political action by the undocumented community. First, initiatives in California such as Proposition 186, Proposition 209, and Proposition 226 fuel the Latina/o vote. Also, more Latinos are running for office. This emerging Latina/o electorate opened this door for undocumented Latinos. Second, labor unions are no longer hostile towards undocumented workers. Groups such as the AFL-CIO realized the importance of including the immigrant struggle in their own political agenda. Lastly, these organizations have also changed their political strategies. Rather than focusing on indirect contact with voters through propaganda, they now employ direct, grassroots efforts that depend on the volunteer work of immigrant laborers. The undocumented community participates by endorsing candidates, coordinating rallies, and helping at “Get out the vote” drives. This activism stretches the borders of citizenship. Varsanyi (2006) concludes: While the political mobilization that I have discussed in this chapter does not propel undocumented migrants to full, formal membership, it does represent a 39

deeper desire of marginalized populations to be legitimate, valid members of their communities in the U.S. and to find strength in their solidarity. (p.237) Hinda Seif (2006) closes this section by examining the political participation of undocumented youth in California. She centers her discussion on the activism displayed by undocumented teens as part of Get Smart Schools, a nonprofit organization based in Colorado. These young adults mobilized in support of the DREAM Act and fought for the right to an education in the United States. They spoke to the press, educated others, mailed petitions, and testified. Seif asserts that undocumented youth displayed multiple layers of belonging: family, community, nation, and humanity. They felt that education was a human right and they used their agency to fight for access to higher education. Despite the exclusion of undocumented youth from the nation-state, they claimed their citizenship by declaring their membership in families, communities, and the political process in California. The last two chapters of this anthology focus on how actions by the nation-state negatively confine the meaning of citizenship. Ramos-Zayas (2006) claims that antiterrorism discourse in the United States has resulted in state surveillance of Puerto Ricans in Chicago since the 1960s. This in turn has criminalized and stigmatized this community. Even schools, such as Roberto Clemente High School or Pedro Albizu Campos High School in Chicago, are monitored by federal policing agencies as potential terrorist threats. Critical pedagogy is seen as un-American. Puerto Rican citizenship has been devalued, even marked as delinquent, and Puerto Ricans often have to prove they are worthy of U.S. citizenship. Ramos-Zayas (2006) calls this the politics of worthiness. 40

Puerto Ricans who feel that they must prove their worthiness do so by joining the military, and by showing that they are not like other Puerto Ricans. This means that Puerto Ricans first internalize and accept labels such as lazy, welfare-dependent, and criminal that the nation-state has imposed upon them as a community. The author explains: The military legitimizes citizenship not as service to the nation-state in an international context, but as a route to deracialize oneself–to prove that one is disciplined, not lazy; productive, not a parasite of the system; law-abiding, not criminal. (Ramos-Zayas, 2006, pp. 287-288) Ramos- Zayas makes clear that discourses of fear fabricated by the nation-state negatively transform the meaning of citizenship, criminalize educational and community spaces, and mark entire groups as enemies of the state. Rocco (2006) closes this anthology by proclaiming a need for a concept of citizenship that, “accommodates the relationship between Latinos and the state as well as their status within the institutions of civil society” (p.309). He proposes the development of regional forms of citizenship. These regional forms of citizenship should be centered on inclusion, community, and democracy. This would bring regional rights for Latina/o communities. Rocco (2006) explains: If the notion of political community I am arguing for is accepted, this would then create a space where the regime of regional rights and their institutional embodiment can play a role in helping to ground and legitimate strategies of empowerment on the part of Latino/a communities. (p.319) 41

This new concept would no longer label the immigrant community as foreigners and outsiders; instead, it would acknowledge the economic and political interdependence of the current global relations. Latino cultural citizenship shows how Latina/o immigrant groups in the United States assert their rights, claim social spaces, and educate and build communities. They are not social burdens and do contribute to the progress and welfare of this country. Despite being labeled as marginalized people, Latina/o immigrant groups actively participate in creating a fair and equitable life in the United States while maintaining a close connection to their home countries. They set aside citizenship markers such as illegal or undocumented and mobilize to speak against oppressive policies and practices. They are essentially redefining the traditional meaning of citizenship as it is defined by the nation-state. V. Researcher Background and Positionality

In this section, I will recount the moments of my life that have not only guided me towards this dissertation project, but have also shaped my positionality as an adult education practitioner and researcher. I will discuss three important elements that have shaped my educational journey, identity, and my commitment to education and service. First, I will share my family’s immigration story and the three border crossings that significantly impacted my life. These few pages narrate my mother’s persevering desire to raise her daughters in the United States. Second, I will relate how several experiences 42

formed my identity and opened the door to new point of views and cultural spaces. This portion of my personal narrative explains my identity formation process and how I arrived home to Tejanidad. Third, I will share my experience as a GED instructor at Central Texas Community College. My role as instructor at this institution was instrumental in my current and future professional and academic work. This section not only gave me the opportunity to reflect upon my own journey, but also to honor the standards of narrative research. The words of Clandinin and Connelly (2000) truly resonated with me. They assert, “One of the starting points for narrative inquiry is the researcher’s own narrative of experience, the researcher’s autobiography. The task of composing our own narratives is central to narrative inquiry” (p.70). Carger (2005) also reaffirmed my own desire to be open and honest about my positionality, research goals, and experiences throughout the completion of this project. She stresses: Clearly for me, research is far more than an academic exercise. I look not only outward at the inquiry landscape I study, but also inward as I look at my place as the researcher in inquiry. Inevitably, when doing narrative research, my own autobiography, like a persistent song playing in my mind, surfaces repeatedly. This is a dimension that narrative research beckons, the revealing of self, the sharing of self against which most researchers are taught to combat with the mighty arm of objectivity. I have learned not to evade emotion in my inquiry; but to embrace it, to describe it richly. It is part and parcel of the art of narrative inquiry. Research crosses from an academic exercise to an art when the

researcher becomes fully the author, revealing self and other in a voice that is readable, engaging and personally meaningful. (Carger, 2005, p.240) My personal narrative has been most influenced by three border crossings; crossings as defined by the U.S. Department of Homeland Security. These crossings significantly changed my life and ensured not only my livelihood and future, but also safeguarded my pursuit of higher education. I believe that my recollection of these three border crossings is relevant to this research project and clearly defines my positionality. This narrative begins with the story of Las Güeras Taqueras (The Light-Skin Taco Vendors). Las Güeras Taqueras are my great-grandmother and grandmother who, together with their children, owned a small taco stand outside of a cinema in Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipas, Mexico. My mother and aunts also acquired this nickname because they often helped run the taco stand. My mother is not very fond of this nickname because it was given by the neighborhood boys as a way to offend and belittle them. I, however, use it with great pride to represent three women who, despite life’s hardships, not only endured but created a legacy of hard work, resilience, and agency for their children, grandchildren, great-grandchildren, and great-great-grandchildren. My life, of course, was directly impacted by the decisions made by my mother, María Alicia. She was the second oldest of six children, and her childhood was filled with adult responsibilities. She had a strong desire to be of assistance to her mother; not to be a burden and this sentiment compelled her to leave school after completing the sixth grade. She was only twelve years old, but my mother’s practical personality and good 44

sense prohibited her from asking her own mother to continue to use the little money that they had to pay for further schooling. Instead, she felt it necessary to become her mother’s main support as an assistant, helper, and childcare provider. As such, her responsibilities after leaving school ranged from daily domestic chores, to nightly preparation of the food for the taco stand, to regularly caring for her younger siblings. My mom spent long hours dedicated to her family: cooking on a wood-fired stove, cutting bulks of vegetables and fruits, helping to push the food cart to and from its usual location, and making sure that her siblings made it home safely every night. Nighttime meant either long hours of helping with the street vending or caring for siblings at home while my grandmother secured a livelihood for her children through the taco stand. It was a childhood and adolescence of extreme poverty, but life was about to change for my mother and my grandmother. My mother cannot tell the story of how her stepfather met her mother without imbuing it with awe and gratitude as God’s answer to her prayers. One night, Don Rafael, arrived at my grandmother’s taco stand guided by two blind men, both of whom happened to love my grandmother’s cooking. My grandmother, who until then was raising six children on her own, married Don Rafael and together they made the decision to migrate to the United States, settling in Laredo, Texas. The stability that this stepparent brought to my mother’s life is an event that she not only remembers fondly, but it is also what she considers as the defining moment of her adolescence. In 1969, at the age of eighteen, my mother gained permanent residence in the United States. The street vending days came to an end and life began anew. This first border crossing, with 45

repercussions for my life, gave my mother a new home, reduced her familial responsibilities, and offered her better employment opportunities. Too old to enroll in school, she found employment at a women’s apparel manufacturer, Howard B. Wolf, which at the time supplied retailers like Neiman Marcus and Nordstrom. In 1974, however, my mother found herself back in Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipas, Mexico. She met my father during a day trip to Nuevo Laredo to visit friends in 1972 and after several years of dating, they married in June 1974. Soon after, my father felt obligated to live near his ailing father, who was in Nuevo Laredo. He also felt obligated to assume the role of protector towards his two sisters, although both were already in their thirties. In a recent conversation with my mother, she reflected upon this decision to reside on the Mexican side of the border. She described it as based on my father’s need to secure a family inheritance and to maintain property rights in Mexico. My father used this same reasoning to convince my mother that their children had to be Mexican citizens. Although this rationale worked on my mother during the birth of my older sister, before I was born my mother had reconsidered the argument. It was because she felt compelled to have her second child born in the United States that the second border crossing occurred on the night of September 21, 1977, minutes before I was born. Not only did this crossing underscore my mother’s determination to shape her children’s future, but it also sealed my destiny as the first child of both the Guevara and Medina families to be born in the United States. After my birth, my mother failed to convince my inheritance-minded father that life in the United States was what was best for us; consequently, the family moved back 46

to Nuevo Laredo for several years. Still, my mother describes her desire to raise us in the United States as an instinto de supervivencia (a survival instinct). She knew in her gut that Mexico would have limited educational opportunities to offer her daughters. It was this instinct that fueled her determination and willingness to take charge. By 1981, my mother’s desires prevailed and the family relocated back to Laredo, Texas. Once again, with this third and final border crossing, life began anew. Although I credit my mother’s perseverance for this last border crossing, I have to also mention that it coincided with my father’s realization that no inheritance was coming his way. As such, he was forced to return to his old employment as a nurse’s assistant at the local hospital in Laredo. I was almost four years old at the time and have some memories of the crossing and that first night in Laredo, Texas. I know my sister and I crossed separately and that my grandmother helped my parents. Myrna, my older sister, who was six years old, crossed by vehicle with my father while being cradled in my grandmother’s arms and pretending to be asleep. During those days, border agents did not request birth certificate documentation for young children. I crossed on foot with my mother. We arrived after dark and slept on the floor of a large wooden bungalow. My grandmother often jokes that she will never forget that night; not because of the experience of helping my parents migrate to the United States, but because Myrna and I left our unfinished dinner on the floor and it attracted ants, which caused us to wake to their painful bites. This third border crossing has had lasting significance in my life and the lives of all of my sisters. My mother’s dream for an education for her daughters has come true. Although in 1981 she could never have imagined that two daughters would evolve into 47

five, I will wholeheartedly say that her gut instinct has been our greatest blessing. Today, four of us have completed a university education; the youngest is currently attending college. Although I acknowledge that the American ideal of meritocracy is a fallacy, I truly believe that I would not have come this far in my education if I had grown up in Mexico. I chose to share these border crossings not to create a discussion on the quality of life and education in Mexico versus that of the United States, but simply to show my connection to the participants of my study. I understand the sentiments of need and urgency behind stories of immigration. As stated before, this is also my effort to acknowledge the reflexivity and subjectivity required by qualitative and narrative research (Amber, et al 1995; Clandinin & Connelly, 2000). Identity is not static; it often occupies different spaces. We all embark on multiple journeys. I have embraced and shed several identities throughout my life, transitioning from Americana, Mexicana from Texas, to finally, Tejana. Different consequential experiences formed my sense of self and served as catalysts for new perspectives and cultural spaces. Although some were transitory, each one proved pivotal to my journey to Tejanidad. This section outlines my personal narrative and journey home. I was born and raised in Laredo, Texas. The border has been part of my life since birth. Although I have not experienced what so many other border crossers have, the border carries the same meaning for my family. Crossing it meant better opportunities. My childhood and teenage years were spent traveling back and forth. Laredo was home; it was where we went to school and where grandma lived. My memories of Laredo are a 48

mix of family outings, family responsibilities, and school activities. Life on the borderlands for my family included both sides of the border, and when younger, I always enjoyed my weekend and holiday trips to Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipas. I loved crossing the bridge by foot and looking down onto the banks of the Rio Grande. As I got older, school and extracurricular activities captured my attention. I was too busy playing sports, hanging out with friends, or at the mall for weekend trips; as such, excursions to the other side nearly ended. Visits to Nuevo Laredo were now reserved for official reasons. I crossed the border only to purchase eyeglasses, seek medical care, file government paperwork, or attend a death in the family. Before I can begin writing about how I formed an U.S. American identity in Laredo, Texas, a town that is 95 percent Tejano or Mexican/ Mexican American, I must first share a few important comments about my home life. My parents both believed in the value of education and hard work, but their sentiments towards the United States could not have been more different. My father was not only very proud to be a Mexican citizen, but he held a certain degree of disgust for the United States. During his rants, he often spoke out against U.S. history, leaders, policies, and politics. He was also very vocal about U.S. culture, which in Laredo was primarily Tejano or Mexican American. In “his” home, we were not allowed to be pochas (Spanglish speakers); to live the life of the gringa (white girl), which was never clarified; or to listen to all of that “bar music.” His ideologies translated into ridiculing us for code switching, policing our every move, and barring us from listening to Tejano music.

Mom felt differently. As stated earlier, after a childhood and adolescence in extreme poverty, my mother’s life entirely changed after my grandmother and her new husband made the decision to move to Laredo. The United States had been my mother’s saving grace at age eighteen. That border crossing relieved my mother of many adult responsibilities and exposed her to better employment opportunities. Since my mom had gained permanent residence in the United States in 1969, she was very happy to be part of the U.S. again and fully embraced the life it offered. She listened attentively as we explained school activities or procedures, and she was very proud that we were quickly learning English and excelling in the U.S. public school system. She attended every school event from PTA meetings to jump-a-thons, and she helped our teachers as room mother. My parents’ disconnect to Tejano history and culture, obviously left me stranded between two allegiances. I felt pressure to honor my father and his Mexican pride, as well as to honor my mother and her loyalty to the United States; a loyalty born of gratitude. Despite my father’s efforts to raise Mexican nationals on the U.S. side of the border, my sisters and I were shaped by a bicultural and bilingual environment; a common scenario for many kids who grow up along this region. We watched children’s shows like Double Dare and Chabelo, danced to Timbiriche on Siempre en Domingo and to Michael Jackson on American Bandstand. Although we argued with each other in English, we had to translate our complaints into Spanish for our mom since she was our primary caretaker.

School experiences also shaped my Americana identity. Despite its large Tejano or Mexican/ Mexican American population in the Laredo schools I attended, curriculum was centered on U.S. history and culture. Curriculum did not include Laredo history, and information about Texas was often one sided, usually focused on Anglo Texans. I learned little about the Carrizo and Coahuiltecan tribes, the Tejano efforts during important historical moments, the brief Republic of the Rio Grande, or local political groups like the Botas and Guaraches. In fact, in a larger context, curriculum did not include the contributions of Mexican Americans during U.S. wars, the Chicana/o Movement, or Chicana/o literature. In school, I was often given assignments to analyze and recite American poems, like Annabel Lee by author Edgar Allen Poe. It was only because I was in the honors track for Gifted and Talented that I had occasional access to Chicana/o literature and authors. Through this program, for example, I was introduced to the work of Tejana writer Norma Cantú, as well as other Latinas like Sandra Cisneros, Julia Alvarez, and Denise Chávez. I vividly remember the day Dr. Cantú walked into my freshmen English class at Martin High. Due to a critical-thinking student teacher, who felt deeply connected to Dr. Cantú’s mentorship and work, this noted Tejana writer was invited to speak to us. As for Cisneros, Alvarez, and Chávez, they arrived at Martin High in the form of books; specifically, during a weeklong seminar offered to a selected group of girls in the summer of 1994. I jumped at the chance to participate. I loved books of any kind; plus, it was a way to escape long hours of babysitting. The seminar provided only a quick 51

snapshot of the work of these Latina writers. After the seminar ended, I shelved the books and went back to my normal summer routine. I helped my mom around the house and waited for the next school year to begin. Although I still left high school and Laredo with a well-defined Americana identity, one well distanced from Tejanidad, there is no doubt that these brief encounters with Tejana, Chicana, and Latina writers collectively planted a seed in me. It would just take several years to flourish. The next major stage in my journey was The University of Texas at Austin. Here, I developed a longing for everything Mexican. I was drawn to all courses that included Mexico as a central focus and to student organizations that validated my Mexican heritage. I was also exposed to critical pedagogy for the first time; thus, I began to question my entire public school education. I felt cheated. I was hungry for everything that had been left out. I developed an interest in Mexico’s involvement in World War II, the history and experience of Mexican Americans in the United States, civil rights efforts by Chicanos, U.S. colonialism and involvement in Central America, the militarization of the U.S.-Mexico border, the undefined political status of Puerto Rico, and much more. These courses shook me to the core, and I quickly shed my Americana identity. In addition to the transformation ignited by a problem-posing curriculum (Freire, 1970), I also became aware that my ethnic background took center stage everywhere I went. I was no longer living in Laredo; I was a college student in Austin. People not only viewed me as a foreigner, but also labeled me a foreigner. Many asked questions about my ethnic origin, nationality, or thick accent. They registered surprise when they learned that I did not come from an exotic place as they had imagined. I had to educate 52

them, inform them, that I was a U.S. citizen, a South Texas native, who grew up speaking Spanish. These experiences prompted me to look towards Mexicanidad (a Mexican identity). Too soon, however, I painfully discovered that I could not entirely embrace the Mexicana identity. No matter how Mexican I felt, Mexican nationals made sure to tell me that I was not one of them. They mocked my pochismos (use of Spanglish), ridiculed my bicultural upbringing, and dismissed the importance of Chicana/o literature. These criticisms forced me to choose a safe space; one that would speak to my love for my Mexican heritage, but also acknowledge my Texas roots. I situated myself in a space I called Mexicana from Texas; I was first Mexicana, then Texan. I wanted to send Mexican nationals the clear message that I was not pretending to be one of them, but I was not ready to let go of Mexico either. After graduating from UT in 2000, I arrived in San Juan, Puerto Rico to serve the community of Cantera as part of AmeriCorps VISTA. During my yearlong stay in San Juan, people often asked me, “¿Eres Española, Venezolana, o Chilena?” (Are you Spanish, Venezuelan, or Chilean?) To their amazement, I responded “Soy Mexicana de Texas” (I am Mexican from Texas). Some felt satisfied with my answer while others questioned it. This questioning, however, turned my routine bus ride to work into an analysis of my identity. I found myself further explaining that I was raised and educated in the United States, but that I still felt very connected to my Mexican roots. Most Puertorriqueños (Puerto Ricans) seemed satisfied with my explanation. It was comforting to me to note that although some adults still tried to label me Americana or Mexicana, I was simply Lucy to the teens of Cantera. To them, and to me when I was 53

with them, my cultural identity was not important. I left Puerto Rico in 2001 with my identity mostly intact, and I ventured out toward the Sonoran Desert to attend graduate school at The University of Arizona. In Tucson, I met Professor Raquel Rubio-Goldsmith and several new friends who, upon my arrival, labeled me Tejana. I did not contest this; nor did I appropriate it. That same year, I was introduced to the work of Tejana writer Gloria Anzaldúa. Her work not only confirmed what I was feeling as a borderlands native, but, more significantly, it validated the oppression I had felt during my adolescence in my parents’ house. Looking back, I realized that although it was a household with a female majority, it was a household subjected to the standards of the Mexican patriarchal system. Today, I reflect on the themes studied in the work of writers like Gloria Anzaldúa, and realize that they were messages from the heavens sent to guide me. I just wasn’t ready to receive them. Instead, I continued on with my Mexicana from Texas identity, concentrating on finishing the program and figuring out the next step in my journey. Finally, in 2004, after completing the master’s program in Arizona, I made my way back to Texas. The culmination of my travels, experiences, and reflections brought me full circle, and I arrived home to Tejanidad. Austin welcomed me back with open arms. I quickly found employment at Austin ISD as interpreter/translator for the Department of Special Education. I had the opportunity to work closely with Tejanos and thereby witness their commitment to education and to service. I was proud to be part of these efforts. I felt that seed, planted years earlier at Martin High, begin to grow, and life began anew. Not only did Tejanidad bloom in me, but the messages from heaven 54

were now loud and clear. It was time to reconnect with my sisters and to rebuild a relationship with my parents. Austin also provided easy access to Laredo and family. My older sister, Myrna, was now a mom and I wanted to be part of this next stage in her life. I felt that my new role as Tía (aunt) Lucy was not to be taken lightly. It was very important for me to have an active role in my nephew’s life. In addition, my little sisters, Annabel, Nancy, and Itzel, were no longer children. They were young women speedily taking charge of their futures. I simply did not want to miss all the grand milestones they would accomplish. Jesús and María Alicia, my parents, were now co-parenting amicably from separate homes and trying their best to successfully guide my young sisters into adulthood. I no longer felt threatened by my father’s ideologies nor did I need his approval. My plan was to focus on loving my mother and being there for my sisters. In 2007, by the time I returned to The University of Texas at Austin as a student to complete this doctoral degree, Tejanidad had grown strong and deep roots within me. I had changed. I continue to get wide-eyed reactions when I tell people that I am Tejana and not from peregrine lands, and Mexican nationals still challenge my bicultural upbringing. The familial space around me had not changed though. My mother and my father continue to live within their own borders. None of this matters anymore; I am safe at home in Tejanidad. In my studies towards a doctoral degree, I decided to further examine the complexity of identity formation. I found many allies. I learned that my identity occupies a third space; one that is neither estadounidense (U.S. native) nor Mexican, but one that inhabits a “third country–a border culture” (Anzaldúa, 1999, p. 25).

For me, this third space that Anzaldúa mentions is Tejanidad. It exemplifies who I was as a young girl growing up on the border and who I am today; a Tejana who values family, education, and service. My journey towards Tejanidad was also validated by another scholar who explained, “Identity for anyone does not come in a unisex one-sizefits-all way. It is more profound; it is physical and psychologically painful and emotional, and not just an analytical and academic intellectual analysis” (Urrieta, 2003, p. 165). I followed a long and winding road to Tejanidad that was at times physically and emotionally painful, but I know I was not travelling alone. A guiding light left by Tejanas helped me find the way. Even today, as I begin anew in the Midwest, Tejanidad will continue to safeguard my journey. Tejanidad fuels my focus on family, education, and service; acknowledges my love for family and my perseverance in completing a doctorate degree; solidifies my commitment to community; and, ultimately, ensures my return home to Texas. My professional life has been most impacted by my experience as a GED instructor at Central Texas Community College. I was hired late in 2004. Consequently, I had to rush to complete the professional development requirements. After serving for a while as an on-call substitute, I had the opportunity to teach my own class when an instructor moved abroad. I first walked into a GED classroom in spring 2005 and had no idea what to expect or how to help. I did, however, have one clear purpose. My goal in the classroom was not to be a teacher-hero like Jaime Escalante, nor a savior of any kind; it was simply to do whatever it took to create a learning community for my students. Throughout the years, and with a genuine interest in the academic progress and personal 56

well being of the students, my pedagogical methods significantly improved. I was once a worksheet-obsessed instructor who spent more time with the copy machine than developing an effective lesson, yet after adequate reflection and practice, I succeeded in creating lessons that centered on collaborative learning, promoted critical thinking, and were based on meaningful materias for students. During my five years as a GED instructor, working with many students, I gained a little insight into what they face before enrolling in GED classes. This was important because prior to coming into this instructional setting, I had considerable misconceptions about the reasons why young people leave high school before graduating. I understood that this step was often taken under a significant amount of pressure and distress, but I was truly unaware of the level of stress that many of these teens face prior to withdrawing from school. Several students shared stories of self-blame for not being mature enough to recognize the value of a formal education during their adolescence. They emphasized that their return to school, in this case a GED class, was driven by a strong desire to start over and conquer their academic insecurities. The internalized notions of laziness and disengagement that my students expressed puzzled me; after all, they were now adults. Many held management-level jobs and were raising families. They still felt confined though by the “lazy” label that they were given during high school. Other students reflected on feeling marginalized within the high school setting due to rigid policies and practices, prejudice-ridden gatekeepers, and teachers with low expectations. They described the high school experience as toxic and opted to put their

schooling on hold to pursue other goals. Students also shared difficult family situations that gave them no other choice but to postpone their own educational goals. One story shared by a student a few years ago remains vivid. This student was forced to drop off the high school radar because, after the death of her parents, she was the sole caretaker for her little sister. She knew that if the school found out that her sister was under her care, a minor, that the school would report the case to the state’s child protection services. In order to avoid further family separation, my student opted to leave the high school setting, find employment, and create a stable home for her sister. I was ill prepared to hear such poignant stories as these, yet these were the narratives that filled my classroom every semester. I quickly learned that the notion of the high school “dropout” often portrayed by the public school system and even the media is beyond misrepresentation. It is a fallacy. While teaching GED classes, I noticed another group of students, immigrants. Immigrants of all ages and ethnic backgrounds enrolled in GED classes at Central Texas CC. They completed the ESL program and were ready for the next step. I noticed that my adult education classroom served as a safe forum for them, and immigration issues were openly discussed. Latina/o immigrants often shared their immigration experience in class and became friends and sources of support for one another. Their immigration stories included crossing the border, leaving a spouse in their country of origin, and working construction jobs or as nannies for affluent families in Central Texas. They worried about making a life for themselves in the United States while still providing for their loved ones in their home countries. It became clear to me that the GED certificate 58

meant better employment opportunities, access to higher education, and stability for all of my students. For some, the GED offered an opportunity to fulfill the educational goals they once set aside. For others this credential was one of the initial steps to starting a new life in the United States. Adult education programs throughout the United States positively impact families, and I feel fortunate to have been part of these efforts. VI. Summary of Chapter In summary, this introductory chapter of my dissertation presents the purpose and significance of this study, context, theoretical framework, and researcher background and positionality. The subsequent four chapters of this dissertation follow the standard format for a qualitative project: literature review, research methodology, narratives or results, and conclusion. This qualitative study examines the educational experiences of Mexican immigrant young adults enrolled in GED classes at Central Texas Community College and centers on documenting their reasons for pursuing a GED, the value of this certificate, and impact on this formal instructional setting in their lives and future aspirations. It will provide helpful, ethnographic data of Mexican immigrant students for the Adult Education Department at Central Texas CC. Moreover, results will enhance the existing scholarship available on this student population within the scope of adult education. This chapter also addressed the context of this study: the GED test, GED program at Central Texas CC, and access to higher education. Mexican immigrant young adults enrolled in GED classes are at the center of this project, and these classes are the spaces that merit close consideration. The Latino cultural citizenship framework is used to 59

analyze the findings and to examine how Mexican immigrant young adults are using the GED classroom to build a future for themselves in the United States. I have also included my background and positionality in this chapter. Although many dissertation guidebooks recommend including the researcher’s narrative in the research methodology section, I felt it was important to incorporate mine within this introduction. My narrative directly influenced my work with the participants of this study, and I felt it necessary to highlight this from the beginning. Therefore, I am presenting a manuscript that follows the required research protocols and provides a candid discussion of what I experienced throughout this process.

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW I. Introduction The purpose of this focused literature review is to examine what is already known about adult education and the participation of immigrants in these programs, as well as to show the contribution that this dissertation study makes to the field (Gibson & Brown, 2009). I began to organize this chapter by synthesizing the topic and dividing it into its most relevant components. First, the initial two sections of this chapter will focus on adult education. Adult education has a significant place in the United States, and its philosophical foundations are deeply connected to social change throughout the world. It is important to include a review of relevant literature for adult education because GED programs are housed within a subgroup of adult education called adult basic and secondary education. Adult basic education programs provide instructional settings and support for individuals whose skills in reading, writing, and mathematics are assessed below the ninth-grade level. Adult secondary education serves those without a high school diploma with skills above the eighth-grade level. Individuals enrolled in these programs may work towards completing the GED credential or a high school credit program (Merriam & Brockett, 2007). Second, this chapter will present work by both academic and practicing professionals who examine the GED credential or work closely with GED students. The history of the GED credential will be included in order to highlight the origin of the program, the changes that have been implemented throughout the years, and the changing educational needs of GED students. This section will conclude with a review of both 61

quantitative and qualitative studies of the value of the GED credential, as well as the policy concerns that surround this program. The value of the GED credential, and its impact on secondary education, has been highly debated. This section will provide an analysis of both. Third, adult education for immigrants in this country includes a wide range of educational settings. These may include citizenship education, programs on literacy and English as a second language (ESL), GED classes, and vocational training. This section examines the immigrant students’ increasing enrollment in adult education programs and shows a significant gap in the literature related to this demographic. Although academic research has given some attention to adult immigrants enrolled in ESL programs, texts that address how this population fares in GED classes remain scarce. This section provides a short discussion of the limited resources and shows the significance of this dissertation study. The narrative data gathered during this project adds a critical piece to the adult education puzzle. Finally, because I cannot ignore the educational inequity that today surrounds Latina/o and Mexican immigrant youth in U.S. schools, and because I cannot ignore the participants who are currently enrolled in GED classes because the public school setting was not able to meet their educational needs, I have reviewed literature relevant to Latina/o and Mexican immigrant youth in U.S. schools. Because I found such minimal qualitative research on the experiences of Mexican immigrant high school noncompleters, this section will also discuss the education of late-arrival immigrant teens, as well as high school non-completion within this group. As such, this section will present 62

important information about the educational crisis faced by these teens and the different arguments provided by scholars.

II. Definition and History of Adult Education The definition of adult education has changed throughout the years, and scholars have modified its meaning according to the demands of the time. Lindeman (1926) is one of the first scholars to define adult education. He asserted: Adult education is an attempt to discover a new method and create a new incentive for learning; its implications are qualitative, not quantitative. Adult learners are precisely those whose intellectual aspirations are least likely to be aroused by the rigid, uncompromising requirements of authoritative, conventionalized institutions of learning. (Lindeman, 1926, p. 28) His work provides a philosophical description of adult education. Lindeman (1926) also described adult education as a space where individuals can continue the “quest for life’s meaning” and learn from experience in addition to textbooks (p. 11). He took a stance against learning environments that curtailed intellectual thought and warned, “Authoritative teaching, examinations, which preclude original thinking, rigid pedagogical formulae- all of these have no place in adult education” (p. 12). Lindeman (1926) is regarded as one of the first scholars to provide in-depth analysis of the meaning of adult education. According to Bryson (1936), adult education includes, “all the activities with an educational purpose that are carried on by people engaged in the ordinary business of 63

life” (p. 3-4). Bryson expanded on his definition of adult education by clarifying his understanding of “business of life.” He wrote, “Getting a necessary schooling is the child’s ‘business.’ An adult is one who has other business in the world, but who uses part of his time and energy to acquire more intellectual equipment” (p. 4). Bryson insisted that adult education was a voluntary action; and while he admitted that for many adults, literacy and citizenship education were compulsory, adult education was a deliberate undertaking for intellectual growth. Knowles (1968, 1970) went as far as defining adult education as andragogy; the polar opposite of pedagogy. Knowles felt that the term pedagogy should only be used to address educational efforts geared towards children, not adults. Although this term was received with caution by the field of adult education, Knowles continued to assert its relevance. He claimed that adults and children differed in “self concept, the role of experience, readiness to learn, and orientation of learning” (Merriam and Brockett, 2007, p. 135). Knowles expanded on this definition in 1980, but the principal assumptions of the concept still focused on his four original ideas. As stated earlier, he expanded his definition by adding that adults have a degree of consciousness that children do not. Adults can rationalize the reasons why they have to learn something and are motivated by a genuine desire for a better life and increased self-worth. Knowles (1970) ultimately felt that andragogy was a methodology for helping adults develop into their full potential. In 1971, C. Hartley Grattan further defined what constituted adult education. He explained, “Adult education is normally a highly fluid, flexible, multi-faceted operation in all its aspects” (p. 3). According to Grattan, adult education encompassed a wide 64

range of educational activities for adults that included vocational or recreational settings. Although Grattan (1971) gave a loose definition of adult education, he did provide boundaries for the field:

Adult education may involve courses, discussion groups, or lectures; but whatever the vehicle used, the motive is to inform and instruct the adult-the intent is educative- and whether or not those carrying on the work use the term, the effort is one in adult education. (p. 6) His definition deviated from the early philosophical definitions of adult education and thus provided an opportunity for a redefinition of the field. Since then, various scholars, such as Houle (1972), Knowles (1980b), Darkenwald and Merriam (1982), Long (1987), and Courtney (1989), have all outlined definitions. Collectively, their work defines adult education as a process by which adults work towards improving themselves, an intervention for change and transformation in not only skills but also attitudes, and an effort to obtain an education. Most recently, Merriam and Brockett (2007) have adapted the definition of adult education to reflect the complexity and the variety characteristic of today’s educational settings. They define adult education as “activities intentionally designed for the purpose of bringing about learning among those whose age, social roles, or self-perception define them as adults” (Merriam & Brockett, 2007, p. 8). Under this definition, anything from a yoga class to a continuing education course constitutes adult education. Although adult education can involve a variety of educational environments, Merriam and Brockett (2007) make a clear 65

distinction between adult education and adult learning. Adult education includes those settings that provide planned activities, clear objectives, and specific outcomes, whereas adult learning is a cognitive process internal to the learner (p. 6). Current scholars in the field argue that these ambiguous definitions of adult education not only differentiated it from K-12 and higher education, but also established it as a marginal institution. Glowacki-Dudka and Helvie-Mason (2011) reference the definitions posed by Lindeman (1926) and Bryson (1936) and explain, “With these guiding assumptions, the field of adult education shook off traditional methods of teaching and learning and assumed a position at the margins from the beginning” (p. 56). These scholars affirm that adult education has historically struggled for “resources, recognition, and legitimacy” (Merriam and Brockett, 2007, p. 23). Scholars also agree that, despite its marginal position within education, adult education has had an important place in U.S. society, and many times changes within the field reflect the country’s efforts to address social justice issues. Proponents of collaboration between these educational entities have affirmed their ideas since the 1980s. Darkenwald and Merriam (1982) state: “Adult education is, after all, education. The fact that its clientele is made up of mature people and that its purposes, methods, and settings are often distinctive, does not negate this fundamental reality” (p. 23). Apps (1987) and Peters (1991a) further argued that collaboration with elementary and secondary education would help adult education practitioners better understand the needs of adult learners. Adult education, as do the other levels, should hold the same level of accountability for students’ preparation. Additionally, a partnership with higher education would give adult education a permanent 66

space within the university setting. This would ensure more academic research and training for adult education professionals. Thomas (1991a) provided other reasons why all levels of education should work together. Higher, adult, and K-12 education should join efforts in order to: better meet the academic needs of new members of society, such as children, immigrants, refugees; better support individuals as they enter new stages of life; better accommodate for social changes; and better address the special circ*mstances faced by individuals with special physical, mental, or emotional needs. Glowacki-Dudka and Helvie-Mason (2011) provide a way to shift this idea of marginality. They state, “Only by recognizing the power at the margins will adult educators be able to shift the debate and change the view from the center” (p. 63). The following paragraphs will chronicle the history of adult education in the United States and its connection to the nation’s push for educational equity. Adult education efforts in the United States can be traced back to the early colonial period. During this time, adult education was centered on religious and moral teachings and framed under the ideologies of liberal and progressive education (Merriam & Brockett, 2007, p. 33). Adult education during this time focused on promoting democracy and citizenship. Numerous scholars have discussed the history of adult education: J.T. Adams (1944), Grattan (1955, 1971), Knowles (1962, 1977), Kett (1994), Stubblefield (1988), and Stubblefield and Keane (1994). From their work we learn that in the United States, adult education first emerged under the labels of popular education, home education, and university extension. Adult classes were provided via correspondence schools, agricultural programs, women’s organizations, and service agencies 67

(Stubblefield, 1988). It was not until after World War I that the term adult education became commonly used. Although these initial efforts to provide an education for adults are important, this section of the literature review will focus on what Stubblefield and Keane (1994) call the Age of Adult Education. The Age of Adult Education (Stubblefield and Keane, 1994) begins after the end of World War II and is marked by the institutionalization of adult education programs in public schools, libraries, and community colleges. Education policies implemented by the armed forces during WWII, such as the Servicemen’s Readjustment Act of 1944, resulted in the reorganization and surge of adult education programs throughout the United States. As Grattan (1955, 1971) explained: A contingent factor was that during World War II extensive experiments in adult education on a mass basis had been made in the armed services; these had made an enormous impression on adult educators and provoked a resolution to see to it that something of the same sort was available to all citizens in the time of peace to follow. (p. 289)

The U.S. military offered vocational training, correspondence courses, unit schools, and off-duty classes. Military education sought to prepare personnel in order to perform their duties during and after military service. These educational opportunities served as examples for adult education programs available to the general population. Public schools, libraries, and community colleges provided the instructional settings for adult education. In an effort to address the needs of the entire community and 68

not only those of young children and teens, public school administrators created programs to support the economic and political development of the community. These programs grew significantly during the 1960s and were propelled by legislation introduced during the Lyndon B. Johnson administration. These programs included high school completion programs, adult high schools, and the GED program. Community education gained state and federal support during the 1970s and school districts were asked not only to provide educational support for school-age children, but also to address community development issues. Also during the 1960s, libraries adopted a broader concept of adult services and responded to community needs for literacy programs, as well as college entrance exam preparation. The American Library Association, in collaboration with the American Association for Adult Education, increased the availability of educational services for adults within the library setting. Libraries also offered outreach programs sponsored by government initiatives, such as the Library Services and Construction Act of 1962, Community Action Programs, and AmeriCorps Vista. The participation of community colleges in adult education efforts can be traced back to the late 1940s. In 1948, a report published by the President’s Commission on Higher Education underscored the important contributions that higher education should make to community and adult education (Stubblefield and Keane, 1994). Within the community college setting, however, the idea of addressing the educational needs of the community was not welcomed with open arms. Many felt that the mission of the community college as an institution of higher education was to, “engage students in 69

rigorous study and development of broad skills, not to extend beyond the perceived needs of the community or to accommodate the training needs of an employer” (Stubblefield and Keane, 1994, p. 261). Nonetheless, by the 1960s, community colleges emerged as principal providers of adult basic education. Scholars, such as Knowles (1962, 1977), Stubblefield and Keane (1994), Merriam and Brockett (2007), and Clair and Belzer (2010) have also recognized the important role that the federal government has played in adult education. As briefly noted in the previous paragraph, federal legislation during the Kennedy and Johnson administrations used adult education programs to provide educational opportunities to underserved communities and to address social justice concerns. The Economic Opportunity Act of 1964 provided funds for vocational, literacy, and high school completion programs in many urban sectors of the country. This federal legislation also created the Adult Basic Education program that still houses GED instructional settings today. The Adult Education Act of 1966 mandated funding for adult basic and secondary education programs. During the 1970s, the Comprehensive Employment Training Act of 1973 made state and local governments primarily responsible for adult education programs. This agenda was sustained by the Reagan administration and continued until the 1990s. The Welfare Reform Act of 1996 and the Workforce Investment Act of 1998 provided funding and accountability measures for adult basic education. This legislation implemented the National Reporting System, a performance tracking system that allows federal agencies to monitor student progress and program quality. Although the role of state and federal agencies in adult education 70

programs shifts with each presidential term, workforce needs have underscored the relevance of adult education in the United States. Today, the federal government continues to support adult basic and secondary education. Federal policies also fueled the reorganization and collaboration of adult education entities. Stubblefield and Keane (1994) assert that “Federal initiatives in adult education after World War II began with modest interventions that escalated into a massive intervention in the Great Society education programs” (p. 299). In 1949, the American Association for Adult Education and the National Education Association’s Department of Adult Education merged to create the Adult Education Association of the United States (AEA) (Stubblefield and Keane, 1994). Under this new entity, adult education became a network of federal, state, and city programs with a unified goal to strengthen communities through education. New goals included promoting collaboration between adult education personnel, focusing on individual communities, ensuring acceptance within the national education system, and conducting more research in order to better understand adult learning. Adult education programs also began to address issues of access and opportunity. Stubblefield and Keane (1994) explain that “The undereducated, the poor, the aging, women, and minorities needed easier access” (p. 298). The AEA continued to provide support for adult education programs in the United States until 1982 and also supported the formation of the American Association for Adult and Continuing Education (AAACE). The AAACE opened an academic path for adult education. Research efforts continued; graduate programs were established; and 71

professional development opportunities were made available to adult education professors. This new direction led to the groundwork of the Adult Education Research Conference which continues to meet annually. Today, adult basic and secondary education classes are offered in many educational settings, such as public schools, employment centers, technical or vocational schools, libraries, and community centers. Traditional, compulsory, and responsive programs provide a myriad of educational opportunities for adults (Clair and Belzer, 2010). Traditional programs focus primarily on helping participants attain a high school credential. Compulsory programs provide mandated GED preparation and vocational development for individuals who receive assistance from welfare-to-work offices, or who have been court ordered to attend classes. Traditional and compulsory programs are funded by state or federal entities and administered to meet government standards. Responsive programs offer self-improvement, high school credential, and vocational classes. Classes range from literacy instruction to employment training. These types of programs differ in that they are not regulated by any formal accountability agencies. Clearly, adult basic and secondary education is a critical part of adult education in this country. It empowers many people to further their education or to work towards improved employment opportunities. In 2011, the GED Testing Service reported that 631,000 adults took all of the GED subtests nationally; 454,000 passed and received their certificates. Such numbers underscore the significance of these programs (2011 Annual Statistical Report on the GED Test).

III. Philosophical Foundations and Purpose of Adult Education This review of academic research revealed a wide range of opinions on what the purpose of adult education is. This section will discuss the different philosophical perspectives that have influenced the goals and objectives for the practice of adult education. Bryson (1936) was one of the first scholars to list the functions of adult education: remedial, occupational, relational, liberal, and political. These functions included instructional settings that promote adult literacy, job training, parent education, recreational activities, and political action preparation. In a 1936 publication entitled Adult Education in Action, a few of the purposes and goals of adult education were listed as follows: “To educate the whole man, To keep our minds open, To prepare for new occupations, To direct social change, To enlarge our horizons” (Darkenwald and Merriam, 1982, pp. 41-42). Darkenwald and Merriam (1982) explained this list by stating, “This list is representative of several philosophical orientations from which it is possible to view the field of adult education” (p. 42). The goals listed vary from a romantic’s perspective, one preoccupied with an individual’s inner strength and growth, to a more progressive perspective, one focused on improving a person’s life in society. Grattan (1955) outlined three essential goals, emphasizing that the educational space should focus on vocational, informational, and recreational agendas. Over the years, scholars have addressed Grattan’s typology and have introduced other important goals of adult education. These included career development, self-realization, personal and family growth, social responsibility, and social action/transformation (Liveright, 1968, Darkenwald and Merriam, 1982; Apps, 1985). Recognizing the importance of 73

adult education, Grattan stated, “Adult education is needed because only through it can the full development of man’s potentialities be achieved” (p. 11). Elias and Merriam (1980) listed six philosophies of adult education. These included liberal, progressive, behaviorist, humanistic, radical, and analytical. Liberal education encompasses four components: intellectual, moral, spiritual or religious, and aesthetic appreciation. Elias and Merriam (1980) present the work of Edgar Friedenberg (1956) who developed three functions for adult education within this approach. According to Friedenberg (1956), the objectives of the liberal education of adults were to teach the value of freedom and how to use it, to help individuals negotiate real life without dismissing their emotions, and to be able to respond to a range of human experiences. Friedenberg (1956) also advocated for the overall improvement of an adult’s life in terms of self-concept, feelings of dignity, values, virtues, and humility. Progressivism is credited for having the most influence on adult education in the United States (Elias and Merriam, 1980). Elias and Merriam (1980) explained, “Many forms of adult education were inspired by progressive ideals: adult vocational education, extension education, education of the foreign-born and citizenship education, family and parent education, and education for social action” (p. 45). Adult progressive education was guided by five principles. These were “a broadened view of education, a new focal point in education, a new educational methodology, a changed relationship between teachers and learners, and education as an instrument for social change” (p. 65). The definition of education was broadened to include a wide range of knowledge and skills, as well as a variety of educational spaces. The learners’ experiences were 74

recognized as educational resources; and learning opportunities were no longer confined to formal school settings, but were made accessible at many institutions. Progressive adult education centered its focus on the educational needs, interests, goals, and experiences of learners. Under progressivism, the instructional method shifted to give students a more active role in their own education. Teaching methods included problemsolving activities in which students had to inductively complete assignments. The role of the instructor also changed. The adult educator was now prompted to be, “helper, guide, encourager, consultant, and resource; not transmitter, disciplinarian, judge, and authority” (Elias and Merriam, 1980, p. 65). Finally, progressives emphasized that education should be directly linked to social change and action. Adult education was responsible for not only fostering individual achievement and growth, but also social consciousness. Behaviorism centered on the survival of the individual and cooperation. The education system at any level had to ensure that people had the tools necessary to persevere, work together, and endure the constraints of society. The main goal of this philosophical orientation is to change the behavior patterns of learners. In adult education, these objectives were usually put into practice within competency-based instruction or vocational training programs. Learners were solely responsible for acquiring a predetermined level of proficiency in a specific skill set. Although other more student-centered techniques have gained more ground within adult education, the concepts of this approach remain in use today. Elias and Merriam (1980) explain, “The behavioral concepts of operant conditioning, reward, reinforcement, pacing, and feedback

however permeate instruction and the arrangement of activities from pre-school through adult education” (p. 105). Humanistic adult education draws from some of the same ideals as liberal adult education. Elias and Merriam (1980) stated, “Humanistic adult education is concerned with the development of the whole person with a special emphasis upon the emotional and affective dimensions of personality” (p. 109). The components of humanistic adult education include a student-centered learning environment, teachers as partners in the learning process, and learning through experimentation and discovery (p. 123). Student development requires an instructional setting that provides support, collaboration, and interpersonal connections based on trust. This approach gained much popularity within adult education. The humanistic emphasis on individualism, cooperation, and communication still perform an important role within this educational setting. Radical adult education is driven by the idea that human beings are capable of actively changing their own realities, developing a critical consciousness, and becoming active agents for social change. As such, radical adult education took a clear stance against oppression and acted as a catalyst for social, political, and economic change. Since the 1960s, this approach primarily has been shaped by the work of Paulo Freire (1967, 1970, 1973), whose ideas for adult education and literacy remain the guiding principles even today. The instructional setting is student-centered, with strong teacherstudent relationships and a problem-posing teaching method. Elias and Merriam (1980) assert, “The lives, experiences, insights, questions and problems of students must be the center of the educational process” (p. 166). Although radical adult education has had a 76

minimal impact on the practice of teaching adults, this approach is still credited for forcing practitioners to become more critical about their teaching philosophies and their impact on students. Analytic philosophy of adult education, the final approach outlined by Elias and Merriam (1980), focuses on establishing a philosophical foundation for adult education rather than setting perimeters for its practice. Scholars, such as Sheffler (1960) and Frankena (1970) have tried to define this philosophy. Those definitions often include a focus on conceptual and linguistic analysis. Elias and Merriam (1980) stated, “Adult education has as its purpose the communication of knowledge by bringing about a deepened awareness or consciousness in persons” (p. 193). Other purposes include safeguarding mental and moral autonomy by developing virtues and morals. Elias and Merriam (1980) further reference the work of Paterson (1979) who believed that the criteria for adult education included: “willingness, voluntariness, conscious control, interpersonal encounter, and active participation by the educator” (p. 195). Although this approach fueled a comprehensive philosophical discussion of adult education, it has contributed little to the preparation of adult educators and students. Darkenwald and Merriam (1982) presented their own understanding of the philosophical perspectives that have shaped the purposes of adult education. These scholars summarized five overall schools of thought within adult education. These included, “The cultivation of the intellect, individual self-actualization, personal and social improvement, social transformation, and organizational effectiveness (p. 43-69).” Darkenwald and Merriam (1982) begin by examining the work of Lawson (1975) and 77

Paterson (1979). A key difference from others is that these scholars agreed that the purpose of adult education was not to bring about social change, but to “transmit knowledge” (p. 44). They emphasized the importance of neutrality. They believed the main goal of adult education was to, “develop the human being; not take sides on any social questions” (Darkenwald and Merriam, 1982, p. 45). This principle informs a teacher-centered instructional setting based on content in which students are subordinate to the instructors. Darkenwald and Merriam (1982) further explain the humanistic philosophical perspective by indicating that under this school of thought, the purpose of adult education is the “development of persons—persons who are open to change and continued learning, persons who strive for self-actualization, and persons who can live together as fully functioning individuals” (p. 46). Knowles (1957) and McKenzie (1978) were strong proponents of this objective of adult education. Their work underscores the important role that adult education should play in self-development. Knowles (1957) explained, “The primary aim of adult education is to help in the development of responsible selfhood in the face of the complexities and problems of modern life” (p. 47). McKenzie (1978) added that adult education should “facilitate the development of proactive, self directed adults who will be responsible for the evolution of a more enlightened human existence” (p. 47). The instructional setting differs significantly from that proposed by the previous frameworks outlined in this section. Under this perspective, process takes priority over content and instructors serve as helpers, facilitators, and partners. Group

interaction, discussion, and collaboration are not only encouraged, but are also primary to the learning process. The next approach, progressivism, counters the previous two and proclaims that the individual and society cannot be separated. Darkenwald and Merriam (1982) examine the work of Lindeman (1961), Hallenbeck (1964), Bergevin (1967), and Apps (1979) and sum up this point of view by stating, “The major issue of adult education revolves around the relation of the individual to the groups with which he lives and of which he is part of” (p. 50). Individual growth is as important as contributing to the good of society. These scholars linked adult education to social responsibility. This instructional setting places great value on students’ experiences and incorporates a curriculum that acknowledges the value of knowledge construction within different educational spaces. Tasks often include experimental, problem solving, and inductive activities that encourage analysis, discussion, and collaboration. The instructor-student relationship is centered on active partnership. Darkenwald and Merriam (1982) explained the role of the teacher, stating: The teacher’s responsibility is to organize, stimulate, instigate, and evaluate the highly complex processes of education. The teacher provides a setting that is conducive to learning. In so doing, the teacher also becomes a learner, for the relationships between teachers and learners are reciprocal. (p. 56) This model is heavily influenced by the work of John Dewey (1916), and individual growth plus social action are the principle functions of adult education.

Social transformation is the fourth philosophical foundation of adult education. Freire spearheaded this movement (1970, 1973). He felt that the main objectives of adult education were to create critical consciousness and bring about a new social order. According to Freire, this is only possible after a process of humanization. Each person must first become aware of the social forces around her or him, reflect upon these issues, and gain the tools to transform the world. This type of instructional setting respects the autonomy and agency of the learner and promotes problem-posing instruction based on “respect, communication, and solidarity” (Darkenwald and Merriam, 1982, p. 63). Freire (1970) explained the teacher-student relationship. He said, “Teachers and students both teach and learn simultaneously, becoming participants and co-investigators in the dialogue (p. 79). This dialogical encounter should lead to social action. The last philosophical foundation, organizational effectiveness, outlines a very different purpose for adult education. Darkenwald and Merriam (1982) explain, “The development of human resources for the purposes of enhancing an organization’s effectiveness has thus become one of the aims of adult education (p. 64). The main objectives of adult education are education, training, and development. Although Nadler (1970), Patten (1971), and Watson (1979) presented different meanings for these terms, their work emphasizes employee development. Scholars Beck and Hilmar (1976) introduce the concept of organizational development and define it as “an attempt on the part of organizations to match employee development with organizational growth” (Darkenwald and Merriam, 1982, p. 67). Content within this instructional setting includes team building, goal setting, problem solving, decision making, and process 80

consultation. These are addressed during lectures, workshops, conferences, and/or panel discussions. The instructor becomes facilitator and trainer and is in charge of assessing the needs of participants while still promoting the needs of the organization. This section provided a short overview of the philosophies and purposes of adult education. Different approaches within adult education were discussed as well as their respective goals, content focus, instructional methods, and types of teacher-student relationships. Although each model provides different guidelines, they all share a few commonalities. Adult education emphasizes learning rather than teaching and places the learner/student at the center of the instructional setting. It also acknowledges the different realms or elements that come together within this setting. The following section will discuss the history and value of the GED credential, as well as its place within adult education.

IV. History and Value of the GED Credential The Advisory Committee of the United States Armed Forces Institute (USAFI) first developed the GED test during the early stages of U.S. involvement in World War II. According to an unpublished manuscript by Lois M. Quinn in 2002 and the work of Polson (2010), after much debate about curriculum standards, the USAFI used the Iowa Tests of Educational Development as guides to create a measure of the general educational development of military veterans. The original GED test was not a credentialing tool, but rather an instrument to aid in the academic placement of military personnel. 81

The GED test was placed under the jurisdiction of the American Council on Education-Veterans Testing Service. Soon after, a civilian version of the GED test was introduced in 1946 to ensure the successful transition of discharged veterans into higher education. This also allowed veterans to use the GI Bill. Military veterans were the first high school non-completers to enroll in colleges and universities. Before the end of the 1940s, the American Council on Education set minimum score requirements and promoted the GED test as an equivalent to the high school diploma for veterans. The state of New York was the first to issue the GED credential to non-veterans in 1947. By 1959, more civilians than veterans completed the GED test. Support for adult education programs and the GED credential grew significantly during the 1960s. In 1966, the armed forces launched Project 100,000 and allowed men without a high school diploma to enlist in the military. After enlisting, the men participated in adult basic education and GED programs (Stubblefield and Keane, 1994, p. 263). All states used the GED exam as the high school diploma equivalent and Great Society Legislation (Adult Education Act of 1966) secured state funding for adult education programs. This new support for adult GED programs increased the number of test takers from 61,000 in 1960 to 293,451 in 1961 (Quinn, 2002, p. 50). Federal policies continued to promote GED instruction during the 1970s. The Work Incentive Program financed the GED test for mothers receiving assistance from Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC). Recognizing the federal government’s interest in helping the education of disadvantaged teens, the American Council on Education changed the required age for test takers. By doing so, and 82

depending on each state’s regulations, the minimum age for obtaining a GED credential changed from 20 or 21, as established in 1955, to 16. Currently in Texas, for example, sixteen year olds must present a court order to both enroll in GED classes and to register to take the test. Seventeen year olds have to provide an official withdrawal letter from school in addition to parental consent. Modifications were implemented in order to reduce the difficulty of the exam in 1978 and to broaden its use to youth as young as fourteen years of age. Changes in the 1988 GED battery of tests were in response to a national push for higher and more rigorous standards in education. The new battery included questions applicable to workforce situations, computer technology, consumer awareness, and a writing assessment. More recent changes, reflected in the 2002 series, include an increase in study time and preparation to pass the test. The 5th edition of the test is scheduled for release in 2014. Under the GED 21st Century Initiative, the GED test will be restructured to parallel high school curricula and to better prepare test takers for the requirements of higher education. In addition, all testing centers will be computer-based by 2014. Scholarly interest in the GED credential has come primarily from the field of economics and studies are mainly quantitative. Economists and economic journals primarily take an interest in comparative analyses that differentiate between the wages earned by GED completers and those earned by high school graduates. Although scholarly literature on this topic is limited, the GED credential has been examined numerous times in order to also evaluate its impact on GED completers in terms of the benefits and value of obtaining the credential. 83

Cameron and Heckman (1993) used the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY) data set to show that the GED certificate is not equivalent to the traditional high school diploma. They claimed, “Exam-certified high school equivalents are statistically indistinguishable in their labor market outcomes from high school dropouts” (p. 43). Both GED completers and high school non-completers experience high unemployment, low wages, and inferior employment status in the United States. The only value of the GED credential, according to Cameron and Heckman (1993) is the access that GED completers gain to postsecondary education institutions. Boesel (1998) reported the results of a study conducted by the Department of Education on fifty years of GED outcomes. His findings are in accord with those presented by Cameron and Heckman (1993). The GED diploma does increase employment opportunities and wages for high school non-completers, but the levels of employment and earnings do not match those of high school graduates. The author concludes, “The credential should be regarded as a starting point, not as an end in itself” (p. 68). Scholars have also tried to find out who benefits the most from the GED credential. Murnane and colleagues (2000) found that male GED completers earned more than male high school non-completers. Earnings among the population of GED recipients and non-completers varied most significantly for those GED recipients who left school early. The authors explain, “The GED credential is the labor market equivalent of a high school diploma only for those males who had extremely low academic skills as tenth graders” (p. 35). The authors also warn that GED certification may “induce some high school students who do have the cognitive skills to obtain a 84

conventional high school diploma to drop out of school” (p. 35). Those who use the GED to gain access to postsecondary education benefit the most. Clark and Jaeger (2006) examine the labor market returns to the GED exam for U.S. natives and foreign-born individuals. Their study shows that U.S. native GED recipients earn less than high school graduates, but earn more than non-completers. On the other hand, foreign-born individuals with schooling outside of the United States gain significantly higher wages than men or women with traditional high school diplomas from outside of the United States. Furthermore, the benefits to the GED exam increase over time. Tyler (2003) provided a review of articles published from 1998-2003 that revealed the following: The GED may encourage some students to leave school early; the economic benefits are higher for students with weak academic skills; research only focuses on the short-term impact of a GED credential; and, although not many GED completers continue to postsecondary tracks, the credential does provide completers with access to postsecondary education and vocational training. Other studies refute the claims made by traditional perspectives. Murnane and colleagues (1995) examined the responses of male participants in the NLSY data set and presented more favorable findings for GED completers. According to these scholars, not only does the credential translate into a long-term increase in hourly wages, but completers are also more likely to participate in vocational training programs and feel motivated to seek better employment opportunities. Hawking (1995) refutes the claims made by Cameron and Heckman in 1993, arguing that their work is an unrepresentative sample, offers no credible evidence, uses inflammatory terminology, and their results are 85

not generalizable and are an inaccurate analysis of federal policies concerning adult education programs. The article criticizes Cameron and Heckman’s claim that traditional secondary education is the only path towards completing an education. Qualitative data gathered by Brouillette (1999) counters the claims of traditional perspectives on the GED credential. The benefits of the GED program included counseling, relationships with other students and instructors, improved skills, more confidence, and an opportunity to start over, leaving the “dropout” label behind. Golden and colleagues (2005) provide qualitative data to show how adult education programs, such as the GED and the Scholars Initiative in Ohio, can provide support for GED completers in their transition into higher education. Ou (2008) writes that the benefits of a GED certificate are more than economic. GED recipients are more optimistic, experience higher levels of life satisfaction, suffer less depression, and engage in less substance abuse than non-completers. His study also contradicts the work of Murnane and colleagues (1995) by asserting that the GED alternative does not encourage students to leave school. Alberti (2009), who sees beyond the traditional boundaries of adult basic and secondary education, states that these programs should create new strategies to “reduce the myriad barriers women contend with while seeking economic selfsufficiency” (p. 30). Her recommendations push for collaboration between communitybased adult education programs and social workers in order to build a social network and community support for women. Her work reaffirms the value of the GED credential as a powerful tool for personal and social transformation.

Tuck (2012) conducted a participatory action research project in 2006-2007. About 16 New York City young adults co-designed and co-researched a qualitative study about high school policies, non-completion, the GED, and best practices. As part of this project, urban youths were able to discuss the value of the GED credential. These teens, a mix of GED holders and high school non-completers, provided their own perceptions on the value of this alternate certificate. One student expressed, “I think society at large views it basically like a toy, like a Cracker Jack box kind of thing, you know? But at the same time, the state of education is so in-flux that it’s a real opportunity” (p. 101). Another student said, “In the beginning, I felt a little less than. I felt like I was a failure even though I had the GED. But then I have to look at the positive side of having a GED” (p. 113). The youth who collaborated in this study represent an important voice often left out of the discussion. Clearly, mixed emotions and varying arguments about the status and value of the GED as an alternative educational choice do not reside solely in the realm of practitioners and scholars. The 2011 Annual Statistical Report on the GED Test provides a closer look at the reasons why recent GED candidates opted to gain a GED certificate. Approximately 64 percent of all candidates indicated that they tested for educational reasons. Within this motive, access to four- year and community colleges were the primary post GED goals. Other reasons included employment, social, and personal motivations. These findings supplement the discussion presented by scholars.

V. GED Credential: Policy Concerns The policy concerns of the GED credential have been discussed briefly in the literature. Smith (2003) shows that the GED credential makes the U.S. public education system appear not only equitable, but it masks the high attrition rates across the nation. Smith (2003) explains, Counting GED graduates as successful completions allows the educational system a shield against critics claiming widespread school failure. States can meet their stated education goals, and maintain their legitimacy in providing equal educational opportunity, without intervening at the school district level or extensively funding adult education or night school courses. At a time when increasing graduation standards is a priority in many states, it is notable that there is very little discussion of standards relating to the GED. (p. 405) Another policy concern that has received a lot of attention from scholars and practitioners alike is the continued growth of the teen student population or recent school leavers in adult education programs. Rachal and Bingham (2004) provide a statement from the executive director of the GED Testing Service in 2002, Joan Auchter, who clearly stated, “After sixty years, there should be no illusion about the purpose of the GED Program–it is to provide adults a second opportunity to certify their high school-level academic knowledge and skills” (p. 32). Rachal and Bingham (2004) warn that not only does the adolescentizing of the GED have implications on the instructional setting of adult education, but it also has policy-related consequences. Federal and state funds provided 88

for adult learners will instead be used for youth education. Also, high schools will begin to use the GED credential to encourage unsuccessful students to withdraw from high school rather than focus their efforts on attrition interventions. The authors recommend policy modifications that include age restrictions on the GED credential; for example, candidates must be 18 years old to enroll in a GED program or to take the exam. They state, “As advocates of adult education, we believe that the greater good for traditional GED classrooms and the adults who attend them would be to require students, as a matter of state policy, to wait until their high school class has graduated before they can enter an adult GED program or take the test” (p. 43). In a parallel study, Perin and colleagues (2006) found that increases in youth enrollment were due to: higher state standards for high school graduation, difficult relationships with teachers, expulsions due to behavior problems, substance abuse, teen parents who were often encouraged to leave school, and students who were referred to adult education programs. They state, “High school students who cannot accumulate sufficient credits toward graduation may be “pushed out” so that their presence does not reflect negatively on school achievement rates” (p. 171). Clair and Belzer (2010) present a similar argument to those already mentioned. They argue that these recent school leavers find their way into GED programs after being pushed out of high school because of high-stakes testing. Their research also reveals that these students often attend GED classes full-time and make rapid progress. They comment on the challenge that this demographic shift has brought to adult basic education programs explaining, “The field is

currently struggling with how to address the different needs of traditional students and recent school leavers” (p. 190). The arguments presented by these scholars have not been corroborated by current research nor reported by the GED Testing Service. In 2010 and 2011, the average age of test takers at the national level was slightly over 26 years. Candidates who were 16 to 18 years old accounted for 22 percent of all candidates. I concur with the report issued by Quinn (2002) offering a strong warning ten years ago. He said, “The GED has become America’s largest high school, and its cheapest” (p. 1). Yet, believe that this change in student demographics is gradual. Although future changes to the GED curriculum and testing will address the need to better prepare students for postsecondary opportunities, the policy concerns addressed by these scholars will remain unresolved. I see only two possibilities for change. First, this new, more rigorous test may finally dispel the idea that the GED is an easy alternative for school leavers. Second, the GED will be promoted less as an end in itself and more as a step toward college or other postsecondary training. I also believe that this is a step in the right direction for the GED. Irrelevant to what K-12 education does, adult education should continue to be a pathway toward higher education.

VI. Immigrants in Adult Education Research on adult immigrants in the United States is often limited to studies about public health concerns, such as tuberculosis, hepatitis, diabetes, oral hygiene awareness, or health education programs (Obeng, 2008; Chiswick, Lee, Miller, 2008; Rajpathak, 90

Wylie-Rosett, Alderman, 2009; Taylor, 2011; Wieland et al, 2012). In addition, scholars seem to be interested in the emotional wellbeing of adult immigrants, exploring suicidal behavior, the quality of personal relationships, and the strengths of immigrant families (Lester, 1998; Kennedy & McDonald; 2006; Usita, 2002). Other common areas of research within this population include sociological and economic factors, such as the use of welfare programs, integration into urban sectors, wages and employment, and entrepreneurship (Borjas, 2002; Ferrer & Riddell, 2008; Duleep & Dowhan, 2008; Lofstrom, 2011). In terms of adult education, academic work has primarily focused on English as a Second Language (ESL) and literacy programs; however, research since 2000 has made great strides in examining the experiences of immigrants in adult education. For example, Lee and Sheared (2002) address best practices for the ESL instruction of adult immigrants. Their work lists three important implications for the adult education instructor who wants to effectively meet the needs of immigrant adult learners: “design inclusive curriculum, examine cultural assumptions, and promote community development and involvement” (p. 32-34). They emphasize the significance of creating a learning environment for adult immigrants that acknowledges their lived experiences and encourages them to reflect upon their own life journey, including their experiences with school. Students should be given opportunities to share this knowledge with others by actively participating in class discussions. The authors explain, The adult educator must begin viewing the school culture as a site of contestation, a place where immigrant adult learners come not only to learn a new language or 91

receive technical training, but also to begin understanding and further challenging how schooling affects them. (Lee and Sheared, 2002, p. 32) Furthermore, instructors should promote and create activities that engage adult immigrant students in the community so as to reinforce a sense of community within the instructional setting, as well as to help adult learners create valuable social networks. Research that examines the educational experiences of Latina/o immigrants in adult education is somewhat rare. Lukes (2009) reviews academic research on the public support given to English-only instruction in this country, the use of the native language in instruction in adult ESL classes, and examines the adult ESL curriculum at three different community organizations in New York. After evaluating these programs and interviewing adult students, as well as such personnel as directors, instructors, and counselors, Lukes (2009) concludes, “In native language literacy classes, bilingual/ESL hybrids, and Spanish GED programs, adult learners are experiencing success” (p. 170). Students in these classes show high attendance and retention rates. They report more personal satisfaction with the programs compared to their counterparts in traditional ESL or English GED classes. Her work provides recommendations to help ESL practitioners better serve these students. She recommends that ESL instruction should include native language literacy, instructional technology, and a culturally responsive curriculum. In her book, Latina/o Hope, Diaz Soto (2011) documents the politics of Latino immigration to the United States, including media portrayals of immigrants, high school immigrant students and the attrition crisis, undocumented college students, identity, child immigrants, and critical discussions of border spaces. Although this text lacks 92

cohesiveness and clarity, Diaz Soto provides some important information about adult ESL immigrant learners. She notes, “ESL is the fastest growing area of instruction in the field of adult education” (p. 87). Her work also highlights the factors that often make it difficult for adult immigrants to attend or complete ESL classes; for example, adult immigrants work long hours, support families, and may lack a means of transportation and childcare. Since this chapter of the dissertation also addresses the dwindling support and funding that ESL programs have today, it is of interest to note that Diaz Soto (2011) attributes this to not only the current economic crisis in the U.S., but also to the many misconceptions held by policymakers about immigration and ESL instruction for adult immigrants. Her discussion on adult immigrants concludes with suggestions for best practices within these programs. She emphasizes the continued significance of Paulo Freire’s problem-posing methodology in adult education stating, “The pedagogy needs to be critical, understandable, and relatable” (p. 92). In her final suggestions for adult education instructors, Diaz Soto (2011) asserts: Finding out what your group needs is crucial. Gaining trust will be upper most in everyone’s mind. Be genuine, be real, be professional. Respect, dialogue, listen, design projects, implement projects, review, write, and read together, turn into the most dynamic love filled pedagogue/learner/group you know. (p. 92) Scholars who focus on higher education, and specifically on community colleges, have started to acknowledge the participation of adult immigrants in their ESL and GED programs. Levin (2007) begins his book by examining the experiences of non-traditional students within the community college setting. This is the only source I found that 93

includes a discussion of immigrants in GED classes. He completed a qualitative study of 13 community colleges in 9 states and identified several types of non-traditional students. He classifies adult immigrants enrolled in ESL or GED programs as “beyond the margins” students (p. 30). According to Levin (2007), this demographic also includes welfare recipients and low-wage workers. Adult immigrants turn to the community college for educational opportunities because community colleges offer ESL and GED programs, low tuition rates, accessible schedules, and several locations to choose from. Levin (2007) further explains, “Many of them face daily challenges such as improving their skills in English, maintaining a job and paying bills, or caring for a family or single parent” (p. 112). Although this author does not provide ways to better serve this population within the community college setting, he does identify four specific needs: Highly non-traditional and “beyond the margins” students have four specific categories of needs. First, they need guides and mentors. Second, they need financial aid, which includes tuition remission, grants, and paid employment. Third, they need a peer community. And fourth, they need academic integration that includes an academic plan that will move them toward specific goals. (Levin, 2007, p. 191) Although this section provides some critical information about immigrants in adult education and ways to better serve their needs, it lacks adequate information about immigrants enrolled in GED classes. As stated in the introduction, while researching literature it became apparent how little there is on this topic. This finding underscores the necessity of this dissertation and the value of its focus. The goal for this project is to 94

begin answering some basic questions about the educational experiences of Mexican immigrant young adults enrolled in GED classes.

VII. Latina/o and Mexican Immigrant Youth in U.S. Schools The schooling experiences of Latina/o and Mexican immigrant students cannot be discussed without at least briefly outlining other factors of immigration that impact their lives as children and teens in this country. To begin, the stress of immigration follows children into their new life in the host country. They are faced with family separation, new familial roles, segregated and impoverished neighborhoods, underfunded schools, and hostile social constructs. The transition also affects the child’s emotional health. Children or teens that experience trauma in their country of origin or during the immigration process, often develop symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder. For children and adolescents who migrated through undocumented means, crossing the border often leaves a lasting mark. These children are left with fears of deportation and a heightened awareness of danger (Suárez-Orozco, 2000). Family separation is a primary stressor of immigration. Parents and children who experience this transition from regular family life to a transnational way of living do so at a cost. According to Suárez-Orozco and colleagues, the factors that make the separation experience more difficult include: trauma, pressure on the parent who is the primary caretaker, loss of predictable routines, anticipation of immigration, and an interruption in a marital relationship (p. 192). The effects of family separation are long lasting. A participant in this qualitative study stated, “My son and my daughter are not warm toward 95

me. They are still mad that I left them and was separated from them for years. Even when I explain to them that I came here for them, they don’t hear; they don’t understand” (p. 189). Rumbaut (1997) explains that since intact family unit immigration is extremely costly and risky, labor flows primarily consist of “males and of separated, split, or transnational families” (p. 12). Increasing demands for service workers has also increased the immigration of mothers from less-developed nations (Hondagneu- Sotelo, 1992). Reunification depends on the family’s financial resources and immigration laws. Suárez-Orozco (2000) asserts, “Migration often creates changes within the structure of the family. Former family leaders may be “demoted” and the nature of gender relationships may shift” (p. 137). Women whose traditional role has been that of caretaker now share the role of provider with other family members. New family roles and filial responsibilities force children to sacrifice their own desires to meet the needs of the family (Jurkovic et al, 2004). The children of immigration now serve as tutors, interpreters, advocates, advisors, and surrogate parents (Valenzuela, 1999). They help parents with filing taxes, legal issues, filling out forms, translating important documents, interpreting at doctor’s appointments and even during visits to the emergency room. Valenzuela (1999) explains that interpreting for parents in medical domains, such as in emergency rooms, doctor’s offices, and clinics is, “embarrassing, difficult, and dehumanizing” (p. 736). A mixed methods study conducted by Orellana, Dorner and Pulido (2003) chronicles the experience of a immigrant girl, who states, “When I was about eight or nine years old we went to the doctor because my baby 96

brother was one month or so. I felt so nervous to translate for the doctor because I thought I would not be able to understand the big words doctors use” (p. 516). Love (2007) also surveys the psychological effects of language brokering, such as the parentchild bond and depression among Mexican American seventh and eighth graders. This research concluded that levels of depression increased for teens, regardless of gender, who served as language brokers for several people. While girls often reported more depression than boys, they also recounted more positive feelings associated with language brokering. These positive feelings contributed to a stronger parent-child bond for both boys and girls. Immigration stressors also affect these children and teens as they leave the home and become active participants in their neighborhoods, schools, and society, in general. Due to the high cost of housing in urban areas, which is where most immigrants live, many are forced into poor neighborhoods plagued by drugs, violence, and gang activity. Safety is a primary concern and parents opt to implement stricter curfew rules, or they do not allow their children to leave the home. A fourteen-year old Salvadoran girl said, “The most difficult thing about immigration is that I am always locked up in the house” (Suárez-Orozco, 2000, p. 141). Cammarota (2008) shows the important roles that Latina/o immigrant youth play in the financial stability of their families. His ethnographic study of a Latina/o community in California found that a family’s reliance on youth’s earnings ranged from a complete dependence on these wages in order to meet basic household expenses to more of a supplemental income that allowed the family to improve its lifestyle. The youth in 97

Cammarota’s study independently decided to work and help their families. As one stated, “You know, we didn’t have stuff to eat, and I thought, what if all of us worked, and then we could eat” (p. 33). Ethnographic studies of the school experiences of immigrant teens have provided the most in-depth analyses of the realities faced by these students. Nancy López (2003) provides a look into the realities that second-generation Caribbean youth face in public schools. Based on the work she did in New York City, she concludes that the framework of institutional expulsion and oppression better explains the low performance of these teens in U.S. public schools. She asserts that this population only has access to vocational high schools with low curriculum programs. Students feel disengaged and recognize that they are not being prepared for college tracks (p. 43). According to López, disengagement does not constitute oppositional behavior. She describes the low academic performance of these students as “willful laziness,” a behavior pattern of disengagement used by immigrant adolescents to cope with institutional discrimination and racism in schools (López, 2003, p. 48). This population also faces biases and racism from teachers. Suárez- Orozco and Suárez Orozco (2001) documented the sentiments of several teachers. One teacher commented, “They give me kids with IQ’s of 60 or 70 and they expect me to help them raise their grades” (p. 127). Teachers like this see these kids as less intelligent, lazy, and not teachable. Academic tracking and high teacher turnover rates are obstacles to constructive teacher-student relationships (Katz, 1999). Additionally, urban public

schools are not funded appropriately and teachers do not receive training on culturally relevant pedagogy and best practices for English language learners (Valdés, 2001). If we make a composite analysis of the multiple factors that shape the lives of Latina/o immigrant teens in the United States, it is easy to understand that no one factor is solely responsible for the obstacles they face within the school system. After examining the stressors of immigration, I better understand that these teens are not only trying to manage the realities of an under-funded public school system, but that they are also adapting to their new family responsibilities. Since immigration brings adult duties to teens, this may also impact their academic performance at school. The overall disconnect with the education process has a negative impact on their identity, selfperception, and confidence. The work of scholars like Olsen (1997), Romo (1996), and Valenzuela (1999) has given Mexican immigrant high school students a space to share their experiences, emotions, and aspirations. Many have shared their stories with us: When I was in school it was basically all Hispanics were together and all the Whites were together…If you saw a Hispanic you couldn’t talk to him. They would call them wetback. That would hurt me. I would get into a fight; I did not like to be called wetback.

(Romo, 1996, p. 72)

There is such a long journey you have to make from the first day when you arrive in the United States. You think your journey is over, but it has just begun. And no one who has gotten through it wants to be reminded that was once them. It is 99

like they cut themselves off from their own heart. I won’t do that. I try to help all the immigrants when they get here, because I still remember. (Olsen, 1997, p. 111)

English! English! You’re in America! Go back to Mexico! (ESL teacher yelled at students.)

(Valenzuela, 1999, pp. 131-134)

Romo (1996) uses case study research to show how immigrant teens in the United States are faced with inadequate educational programs, minimal counseling support, and limited college readiness or vocational training. She presents the journey of two immigrant families in Texas who confront not only economic concerns, but also who struggle to find support within the school system for their teens. Romo’s work also highlights the frustrations often felt by immigrant parents. As one parent expressed, First a problem with one, then a problem with another. And when I need help there is no help here. I came here, but I am worse off than in my home in my own land. I don’t know how to read, I don’t know how to write, I can’t do much here. (Romo, 1996, p. 71). The children and teens of these families experienced inappropriate placement, lack of bilingual program support, grade retention, and attrition. Olsen (1997) describes the schooling experience of immigrant students in a high school in California as one that marginalizes and separates them academically, requires them to become English-speaking, while setting aside their native languages, and pressures them to find a place in the racial hierarchy of the United States (Olsen 1997, p. 100

9). Immigrant students are labeled Limited English Proficient (LEP) or English Language Learner (ELL) and have limited access to the full curriculum. Deficit thinking and false notions of meritocracy prevent teachers from implementing culturally relevant pedagogy, and cause them to blame the students’ attitudes, values, or cultures for low academic performance (p. 180). These ethnographic studies tell of a grim reality for Mexican immigrant teens in U.S. public schools. Despite the teen’s effort to learn the language, to succeed academically, and to maintain an enabling comparative frame of reference (Ogbu, 1991), Mexican immigrant students, like Esteban, Carolina, and Lupita in Valenzuela’s (1999) account of Seguin High School, often end up discouraged. As they struggle, their dissatisfaction with the school environment, the curriculum, and the poor student-teacher relationship turns into complete desertion from school life. I agree with Valenzuela (1999), who states that “although empeño (effort) is a necessary and important quality, it does not in itself guarantee academic success” (p. 139). A few studies have examined the instructional settings available for late-arrival immigrant students in U.S. public high schools. Short (2002) uses the Diversity Excellence Research Study data set to categorize the types of newcomer programs that are offered, whether within a school, separate site, and whole school, and the range of instructional designs that are in place, from ESL to cross-cultural. Her work emphasizes the importance of addressing the educational needs of secondary immigrant students. Scholars have also examined the current curriculum, noted its limitations, and proposed new approaches. Salinas (2006) asserts, “Educating late-arrival high school migrant 101

students calls for a more democratic curriculum” and proposes that world geography, rather than the traditional social studies curricula, provides the most instructional opportunity for these students (p. 21).

A world geography curriculum would create a

space for discussions about identity formation, the history of specific communities, the value of experiential knowledge, and would also allow for critical analyses. In a parallel piece, Salinas and colleagues (2008) highlight the work of a high school social studies teacher and her efforts to help late-arrival immigrant students transition into regular high school courses. They conclude, “We suggest that world geography teachers are positioned to fully incorporate geographic perspectives and teaching strategies into their instruction that greatly help to meet late-arrival immigrant students’ needs” (p. 76). Current studies have centered on the experience of Mexican immigrant adolescents in U.S. public schools, but have not followed these teens after they decide not to complete high school and drop off the public school radar. This study addresses this gap in knowledge and contributes to the growing body of research that strives to acknowledge the education crisis faced by Mexican immigrant teens in the United States. Although this dissertation will provide information primarily for adult education programs, I believe that future analyses of the data gathered can also help secondary education better serve this population.

VIII. Latina/o Youth and High School Non-Completion The analyses of high school non-completion among Latina/o youth parallel the academic discussion surrounding the general topic of the academic performance of these 102

teens. Much research has historically focused on individual factors, such as students and their families, and has reproduced deficit discourses of Latina/o students as teens with low academic aspirations and oppositional identities (Valencia, 2010). On the other hand, for over three decades, educational researchers have insisted that this education crisis requires immediate support from school, community, and policy leaders. Hess (2000) argues that this phenomenon can be examined through an ecological perspective and can include the microsystemic (family, school, peer relationships), the mesosystemic (interactions between home environments and schools), and the exosystemic (role of community) factors that impact education. Understanding these issues will help create comprehensive intervention strategies. Vélez and Saenz (2001) also use an ecological framework to show that several interrelated factors impact high school non-completion among Latina/o students. They identify three categories: individual, family, and structural. The authors agree with Hess (2000) in that there are multiple dimensions to this crisis. They call for a large-scale, nationally-representative, longitudinal survey that includes birthplace information and the immigration status of students. They also call for an evaluation of community or school prevention programs and a clearinghouse of scholarly work to be developed to study Latina/o high school noncompletion. Quantitative research has created a multitude of hypotheses or predicting factors to high school non-completion in an attempt to answer why more Latina/o students leave school than other teens. Studies also often compare Latina/o academic performance to that of White students. Predictors include a range of socioeconomic (SES), ethnic, and 103

family background issues to academic performance, institutional forces, immigration status, delinquency, and early employment (Steinberg, Blinde, & Chan, 1984). Two data sets were commonly used to conduct statistical, probabilistic analyses of Hispanic, Mexican American, Latina/o immigrant, and Mexican origin students: High School and Beyond Study (HSB) and the National Educational Longitudinal Study (NELS). Findings were typically inconsistent and inconclusive. Fernández, Paulsen, & Hirano- Nakanishi (1989), for example, use the HSB data set to examine if family SES, grades, test scores, language proficiency, and generation of residence in the United States determine which students are likely or less likely to leave high school. Despite their large claims, they provide this disclaimer: “It is important to consider that we have not been uniformly successful in explaining differences between minorities and whites in dropping out” (p. 48). Vélez (1989) uses other independent variables, such as disciplinary problems, recent immigration, educational plans, extracurricular activities, and dating, to examine high school non-completion among Chicana/o, Cuban, and Puerto Rican adolescents. He finds that factors such as confrontation, accelerated role taking, and background attributes were the strongest predictors of high school non-completion for Chicana/o students. In the case of Cuban teens, SES played a significant role in their academic progress. Puerto Rican adolescents showed similar factors to those of Chicana/o students. Although Vélez (1989) tries to include the impact of immigration in his discussion, he acknowledges that these groups have significantly different immigration experiences. He asserts, “Because the impact of immigration is different for Chicanos and Puerto Ricans than for Cubans, the evidence 104

suggests that aggregating Hispanics may obscure some important differences among the various Hispanic subgroups” (p. 132). Driscoll’s (1999) analysis of NELS to determine the risk of high school noncompletion among Latina/o immigrant and U.S. born Latina/o students supports Ogbu’s (1987) argument that U.S. born Latina/o youth “perceive structural barriers to success and have less faith in the ability of education to serve as a route to economic success” (p. 871). Although I understand the relevance and place of quantitative studies, I feel that such generalizations have been used to further marginalize minority teens. Qualitative studies have provided supplemental, more detailed information for statistical analyses, and many times, opposing arguments. For example, Hernández and Nesman (2004) note the importance of local studies in developing and implementing educational policies. Their study of a community-initiated needs assessment and of collaboration between the Latina/o community, researchers, and the school system shows the specific necessities of the local community and the appropriate action plan to follow. Recommendations presented by the action plan team include: enhance overall communication and support for all stakeholders, increase participation of Latina/o students in school activities, increase cultural awareness and appreciation, and increase collaboration between communities and schools. Hernández and Nesman (2004) conclude: Although national data and more broadly research are important for identifying issues of concern, lessons from the Latino Dropout Study suggest that including local people in assessing the needs and strengths of Latino students can have the 105

added benefits of increasing community awareness, interest and commitment, and providing specific recommendation for action that fit the unique local contexts and populations. (p. 467)

Michelle Fine (1991) has led the way in a discussion that truly examines the instructional/ structural factors within the public school system that create the high school leaver. Her critical ethnography found that school policies, practices, and ideologies not only marginalize and silence students of color, but they also “push them out” into GED classes, vocational programs, and the military. Institutional practices, often normative, also subjugate teachers and parents; their concerns and ideas are undermined. She states, “Perhaps this is the most compelling consequence of institutionalized silencing. When the policies and practices of purging are rendered invisible, no one but the adolescent is held to blame” (p. 82). A similar study by Davison Avilés and colleagues (1999) gathered information from high school non-completers and found that students shared many reasons for leaving school, such as truancy, credit issues, participation in school activities, other options, expectations of school personnel, students being facilitated out, pregnancy, and community forces. The study by Davison Avilés and colleagues (1999) incorporates two factors that were left out by quantitative studies: low expectations from school personnel and the possibility that students were “facilitated out” (p.469). As they explain: Possibly the most important finding in this study was the view that Chicano/ Latino students who left high school were not dropouts. The combination of 106

lowered teacher expectations and encouragement on the part of school personnel to opt out of mainstream education facilitated a steady exodus of Chicano/Latino students out of the school system. (Davison Avilés, et al, 1999, p. 469) Flores-González (2002) argues that the current frameworks, deficit, structural, reproduction, resistance/ oppositional, do not truly explain why some students decide to leave school. Although her findings seem to be closely aligned with Ogbu’s framework, Flores-González argues that oppositional theory does not explain why some teens develop a non-school oriented identity and others do not. Also, an oppositional identity does not always equal school failure. She suggests that role-identity theory is more useful because it explains how identity formation impacts academic performance of adolescents. The tracking system employed by elementary and secondary schools produce either school kids or street kids. Flores-González (2002) explains: The stratification of students begins early, resulting in the differential treatment of students, the unequal distribution of rewards, and the arbitrary labeling of children who do conform to the school-kid ideal type. The formation of the street-kid identity in the early grades can be a response to their marginal status at school due to the lack of social support, prestige, and rewards; their inadequate performance of the student role; and the absence of meaningful relationships. (p.42) Many other scholars argue that schools construct the high school leaver and noncompletion through other policies and practices. Latino males are especially targets of dress code, behavior, and discipline measures (Morris, 2005; López, 2003). The current accountability system also makes Mexican-origin students vulnerable to academic failure 107

(Valenzuela, 2000). Also, minority teenagers face an education system that neglects and alienates them (Brown & Rodríguez, 2009). Hondo, Gardiner, and Sapien (2008) corroborated these findings in their discussion about Latina/o high school leavers in rural communities in Idaho. These scholars worked closely with nine Latina/o students who did not complete high school. Their work presented five factors that influenced these students in their study to make this decision: 1. Students were capable of academics, but they did not connect with teachers and administrators. 2. Students suffered from low self-efficacy with regard to academic success. 3. Educators were unaware of or ignored family economic hardships. 4. Aspirations lowered as students progressed through school. 5. Parents encouraged students to graduate, but role models were lacking. (Hondo, Gardiner, and Sapien, 2008, pp. 93-97) The authors further explain the circ*mstances that these students experienced in school. First, instructional methods were limited to text-based activities. Hondo, Gardiner, and Sapien (2008) explain, “A shift away from cooperative learning methods that enhance critical thinking made it difficult to meet the learning needs expressed by the Latina/o youth in this study” (p. 98). Second, English-only and assimilation practices left students feeling disengaged and devalued. These students felt ignored and marginalized by the school system. Third, racist remarks by school leaders and uncaring teachers with low expectations sent a clear message to these students. They felt that although the school was very concerned with NCLB requirements, little effort was placed in creating strong relationships with Latina/o youth. One student said, “Sometimes the teacher won’t even 108

bother with you because you’re Hispanic” (p. 98). Fourth, youth singled out tracking as a systematic way to stigmatize Latina/o students. This practice determined their future and school staff became gatekeepers rather than mentors. Fifth, there was minimal contact between school and home. Many times, students who made the decision to leave school did so simply by filing the appropriate paperwork with the school’s secretary. Administrators were not aware of family circ*mstances nor did they attempt to deter Latina/o students from leaving school. Last, in many cases Latina/o youth are actually “pushed out” of high school. According to the authors, students are often derailed by a composite of institutional problems within the educational system. Other times, it only takes the words of one school administrator or teacher to push students out of school. Hondo, Gardiner, and Sapien (2008) once again confirm what other studies have found: that schools often use GED programs as drop out prevention strategies (Smith, 2003; Rachal and Bingham, 2004; Perin et al, 2006). Hondo, Gardiner, and Sapien (2008) finalize their discussion by presenting a theory for why the students in their study made the decision to leave high school. They explain, “These school practices described by students informed our theory of students fighting back against an unresponsive school system and seeking satisfaction” (p. 101). Students chose their emotional well-being, sense of self and independence, employment demands, and family responsibilities over completing high school. This snapshot of Latina/o youth who did not complete high school in an Idaho school district in many ways sums up the educational journey of many of teens throughout the country.

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IX. Summary of Chapter In conclusion, this focused literature review examined seven important topics that are involved when we study the participation of Mexican immigrant young adults enrolled in GED programs in the United States. First, the sections that explained the definition, history, philosophical foundations, and purposes of adult education not only provide a roadmap to better understand this instructional setting, but also to show the historical significance and continued importance of adult education in serving a wide range of adult students. Second, the discussion of the history, value, and policy concerns of the GED credential presents an in-depth analysis of this high school completion alternative, as well as identifies a need for more information about Latina/o immigrant young adults enrolled in these classes. Third, the section on adult immigrants in adult education, as well as the section on the GED credential, establishes the significance of this dissertation study. Fourth, although this dissertation study is not concerned with the K-12 setting or high school non-completion in general, but definitely non-completion of immigrant students, the final sections of the literature review do incorporate information about the educational experiences of Latina/o immigrant teens within the K-12 public school setting and high school attrition. As stated through out this dissertation, I do not have any professional experience in this school setting and choose not to speculate on K12 practices; however, I recognize that any in-depth discussion about Mexican immigrant young adults enrolled in GED classes must naturally address their high school experiences and include any relevant scholarship within the literature review.

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The primary objective of this chapter is to show the complex factors that surround the education of Mexican immigrant young adults as they become part of adult education settings. I firmly believe that not only are GED programs facing a transition in curriculum and testing practices, but they are also now, more than ever, becoming pathways to higher education for adult immigrants, regardless of their country of origin. It is my hope that this dissertation clarifies the challenges facing Mexican immigrant young adults within the world of adult education, but moreover that this study informs those who have the power to reshape adult education to better meet the needs of a complex and changing demographic.

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CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY I. Introduction Academic research on immigrant communities in the United States has provided extensive information on the socio-political factors that impact their lives daily. Quantitative studies conducted by scholars, such as Massey (1995), focus on the immigration patterns of the principal sending countries and the political and economic reasons for which immigrants decide to uproot their families. Researchers, such as Portes and Zhou (1993), examine the assimilation, or adaptation experience, of immigrants as they settle into life in the United States. Most recently, qualitative research has turned its focus to immigrant children and teens and to the impact of the immigration experience on their home environments (Rumbaut, 1997; Valenzuela, 1999; Suárez-Orozco, 2000). In addition, much has been written about the educational performance and school context of immigrant adolescents (Kao and Tienda, 1995; Portes and MacLeond, 1996; SuárezOrozco and Suárez-Orozco, 2001; López, 2003). Narratives that speak about family separation (Rumbaut, 1997; Suarez-Orozco et al, 2003), the new family roles of the children and adolescents of immigration (Valenzuela, 1999; Orellana et al, 2003; Cammarota, 2008), and the persistent educational inequity faced by these students (Romo & Falbo, 1996; Valenzuela, 1999; López & López, 2010), also make clear that immigrant communities navigate, persevere, and create a new life in the United States. This study uses the Latino Cultural Citizenship framework to show how Mexican immigrant young adults are using the GED program to construct, to negotiate, and to transform their lives in the United States. The Latino Cultural Citizenship framework 112

states: “Cultural citizenship names a range of social practices which, taken together, claim and establish a distinct social space for Latinos in this country” (Flores & Benmayor, 1997, p.1). Building on this framework, this qualitative study explores the educational experiences of young Mexican immigrant students enrolled in GED courses in Central Texas. The narratives gathered during this study show that by working towards a GED diploma, Mexican immigrant young adults are actively asserting their role in the United States and are creating a new social space for themselves. A primary reason for selecting qualitative and narrative inquiry methodologies was to ensure indepth analysis rather than generalizability. The goals of this dissertation study are twofold: to understand the educational journeys of these students in their full complexity; and, in the words of Carger (2005), to “cultivate rich, multifaceted representations of human experiences that might begin to serve as a basis for teachers to understand diverse students” (Carger, 2005, p. 241).

II. Research Questions Formulating research questions proved to be a difficult task. I debated whether or not to focus on the participants as students who did not complete high school or as adult education students. While getting to know the students during the recruitment process, it became clear to me that, as Brouillette (1999) believes, adult education classes give these students an opportunity to start over and to leave the “dropout” label behind. They are no longer adolescents who have not completed high school; they are young adults enrolled in GED classes. Yes, their experiential knowledge as high school non-completers could 113

provide a lot of information about this population at a time when Latina/o students face the highest attrition rate, 39 percent in Central Texas County (Attrition report by IDRA, 2010-11), but their current educational experiences could also provide much-needed information for adult education programs; specifically, on how best to address the needs of Latino immigrant students in order to ensure their completion of the GED credential and to support their transition into vocational or higher education settings. Fortunately, because I am a former GED instructor, I know this educational setting well. This allowed me to write from a professional point of view rather than speculate about the high school instructional environment. I followed qualitative and narrative inquiry (Connelly & Clandinin, 1990, 2000) research methods. I sought out the narratives of Mexican immigrant young adults, ages 18-24, enrolled in a Central Texas GED program. In the section that follows, I describe my sampling procedures and selection criteria for the study. At the core of my study are the following four questions: 1. What are the factors motivating Mexican immigrant students to return to an educational setting in order to pursue the GED credential? 2. What is the value of the GED credential for Mexican immigrant students? 3. How has the GED program contributed to the participants’ academic development and career goals? 4. How has the participants’ Latino cultural citizenship shaped their current pursuit of an education in the United States and contributed to their future aspirations as they continue to form an adult life in the United States?

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These research questions guided the interview script and shaped our conversations. Questions about life and school in Mexico, as well as educational experiences at Central Texas ISD middle and high schools are included in order to provide contextual information relevant to their educational journeys. The primary focus of this study, however, is to document who these four individuals are today and how adult education programs can better serve them. First, I wanted to research the reasons why these students returned to a formal instructional setting in pursuit of the GED credential. As noted in the overview of the literature, there is little information available on Mexican immigrant young adults seeking a GED. Second, the experiential knowledge these individuals gained as GED students at Central Texas Community College is critical to the understanding of the educational needs of this new student population in adult education. Third, the participants’ narratives will guide recommendations to GED programs on how to increase enrollment, provide instructional support, and safeguard a Mexican immigrant young adult’s transition into vocational or higher education opportunities. Last, this study will explore how elements of Latino cultural citizenship such as agency, civic participation, transnationalism, and right to an education contribute to their future ambitions as they build a space for themselves and their families in the United States.

III. Qualitative Research Design: Narrative Inquiry This project is a qualitative study of Mexican immigrant students enrolled in GED classes at Central Texas Community College. Individual interviews were the only source 115

of data collection. A comprehensive description of the research design follows. First of all, my research goals are aligned with Merriam’s (1998) description of the purpose of a basic qualitative study: “Researchers who conduct these studies simply seek to discover and understand a phenomenon, a process, or the perspectives and worldviews of the people involved” (p. 11). Secondly, the main focus was to gather “rich, thick, descriptions” that would provide useful information for educational, community, and policy leaders (Merriam, 1998, p.156). This objective was further developed by reviewing the work of Freebody (2003). He outlined the central characteristics of qualitative research as, “inductive, descriptive, and humanistic” (p.37). As such, I worked hard to acknowledge the participants’ agency and engage them in an exploratory project that afforded them the opportunity to discuss their educational journeys in detail. Bogdan and Bilken (2007) best describe my role as an educational researcher: “You are not putting together a puzzle whose picture you already know. You are constructing a picture that takes shape as you collect and examine the parts” (p.6). Finally, this study was guided by Hatch (2002), who presents a comprehensive list of the elements of qualitative research in educational settings. His work emphasizes the significance of participants’ voices, typological data analysis, and reflexivity (p. 7-9). These elements were central to my dissertation project. Qualitative studies within educational research, more specifically narrative inquiry, have created a space for experiential data from immigrants. Connelly & Clandinin (1990) emphasize that narrative research is multidisciplinary and seeks to examine the human experience holistically. Their work acknowledges that this 116

methodology, or methodological tool, is often critiqued because it “stresses the individual over the social context” (p. 2). They emphasize creating relationships and producing narratives that have value for researchers, participants, theory, and practice. The relationship between researchers and participants is important. It must be one that ensures equality and collaboration; one in which both individuals “feel cared for and have a voice with which to tell their stories” (p.4). Narrative inquiry should include the context of the experience such as time and place. It should avoid generalization, misrepresentation, or alteration of the narrative. Narrative inquiry, however, is complex and relational. For example, in a study of the Chinese immigrant educational experience in Canada, Shijing Xu and colleagues (2007) use the narrative theoretical framework developed by Clandinin and Connelly (1991, 2000) for the study of student experience. They provide a rich narrative of the life of Yang Yang, a 14-year-old student who adapted to a new environment, new school setting, and new familial responsibilities after experiencing a ten-year separation from his parents. The authors note, “To understand student classroom experience requires a narrative understanding of students in relationship to teachers, other students, parents, administrators, and communities” (Xu et al, 2007, p. 415). Clandinin and Connelly refer to this notion as a landscape of practice. In order to obtain a thorough understanding of what these authors mean by landscape, researchers must consider the following elements when planning narrative research: 1) Experience: Experiences are central to narrative research and must be examined in the context in which they happen. 117

2) Time: Narrative inquiry takes time in order to ensure an in-depth understanding of the participants’ experiences, as well as to secure credible accounts, interpretations, and explanations. 3) Intensity: Narrative research requires active involvement of the researcher and a strong relationship between the researcher and the participant. 4) Collaboration: Collaboration is key to maintaining the necessary time and intensity. 5) Following leads: The researcher must be open to following leads in order to examine the research landscape in its entirety. (Xu et al, 2007, pp. 418-419) These five elements were incorporated into the data collection phase of this study. I crafted an interview guide that would not only focus on the participants’ experiences, but also examine the context of each educational experience. I felt this was especially important. Although there are only four participants in this study, each one shared a unique educational journey and provided a separate perspective on the experience. I incorporated the elements of time and intensity by maintaining weekly communication with the participants. During spring 2011, I did this by meeting with or phoning each participant. I was able to establish a positive research collaboration through continuous formal and informal conversations. I, however, was quite conscious of my position as an outsider in their lives. They have interests and responsibilities beyond this study. As such, I worked diligently with them to create a collaborative and humanizing research environment; one in which I was able to gain an in-depth understanding of their lives. I did this by following leads and allowing for flexibility. I interpreted the element of following leads as not only carefully listening to participants and their suggestions on others to include, but also by accommodating participants as much as possible and 118

reminding them that the project was 100 percent about them and their educational journeys toward the GED program. Throughout the process of data collection, I followed the concept of narrative inquiry established by Clandinin and Connelly (2000): Narrative inquiry is a way of understanding experience. It is a collaboration between researcher and participants, over time, in a place or series of places, and in social interaction with milieus. An inquirer enters this matrix in the midst and progresses in this same spirit, concluding the inquiry still in the midst of living and telling, reliving and retelling, the stories of the experiences that make up people’s lives, both individual and social. (p. 20) Researchers who focus on multiculturalism in education have used narrative inquiry to gain in-depth knowledge of the experiences of students, their families, and communities. Editors Phillion, He, and Connelly (2005) state: The inherent potential of these inquiries lies in the possibility of effecting social change beginning with the individual and expanding into the greater community. We believe that the experiential quality of this work is central to developing indepth understanding of multicultural issues in education and in life. (p. 10) In their 2005 anthology, Narrative Experience in Multicultural Education, these editors compiled the works of prominent scholars in order to show the significance of narrative research in addressing issues that impact Black, Latina/o, Ojibwe, and Navajo communities in the United States, as well as issues concerning multicultural education within international contexts. Their work not only reaffirms the value of storytelling within these communities, but it also demonstrates how narrative research can be used to 119

reframe the school narrative, address misrepresentation in curriculum, acknowledge new spaces, and redefine educational success. Their collective effort guided my project and influenced the writing of this dissertation. The experiences of Mexican immigrant youth are often left out of the adult education literature. Consequently, similar to the contributors to Narrative Experience in Multicultural Education, my primary objective in this research was to allow the participants to tell their stories. I also wanted and to gather their experiential knowledge for use in improving curriculum and instruction in GED programs. Carger (2005), in her discussion of the Juárez family, presents the story of a teenager of Mexican origin who did not complete high school, and of her family’s struggle for a meaningful education for their children in the United States. Carger (2005) notes: I believe that recounting and reflecting upon narratives of transformative experiences, particularly in the lives of multicultural students and their families, is a meaningful and engaging way to help teachers understand their diverse students’ backgrounds. Recounting the stories of people represents the most fundamental way in which knowledge reveals itself. (pp. 232, 237) In light of Carger’s observations, it is my hope that this study will begin to address the educational needs of Mexican immigrant young adults in adult education programs.

IV. Access to Site Access to GED classes at Central Texas Community College was not a problem. I taught GED classes at Central Texas Community College as an hourly instructor from 120

spring 2005 to spring 2007, and I also taught at the GED summer academy in 2007 and 2008. In my role as a GED instructor, I provided students with multi-level instructional support in English Language Arts, Mathematics, Science, and Social Studies. This allowed me to gain some insight into what students face in U.S. public high schools. I met a diverse group of students as they prepared for a new stage in their lives. They were no longer part of public schools, but about to finish their GED diploma. Some semesters my classes were largely composed of U.S. American students who had returned to school in order to conquer not only their academic insecurities, but also their internalized notions of laziness and disengagement. Other semesters I taught adults attending a course called “ESL to GED Transition”. Here, students were primarily immigrants from different countries. They had completed a program entitled “English as a Second Language” at Central Texas Community College; now they were pursuing a GED diploma. It was specifically because of my experience as a GED instructor that the Department of Adult Education at Central Texas Community College, the GED program supervisor, and the instructors all welcomed this project and me. Although I have not held a formal teaching position at Central Texas Community College since summer 2008, I have continued to participate in professional development opportunities, worked as a substitute instructor, and helped out during fall and spring orientations for new students. I have maintained close communication with the department’s administrators, instructors, and staff. I did this because I not only wanted to ensure access to a research site, but also because, at the time, I believed my absence from the GED classroom was only temporary. I had planned to return to teaching GED classes 121

as soon as I gained better control of my new responsibilities as a doctoral student. Once in the graduate program, however, my research aspirations became more defined. I decided to focus my work on the only educational setting I knew well: adult education. During the 2011-2012 academic year, while writing my dissertation, I conducted workshops on holistic scoring and the GED essay for instructors at Central Texas Community College, as well as for instructors at other Texas institutions. I gained valuable knowledge while working as a GED Essay Scorer at the Central Texas Scoring Center. I felt it important to relay this information to GED instructors at Central Texas Community College. Overall, my commitment to GED programs supersedes the boundaries of dissertation research, and my colleagues at the Department of Adult Education at Central Texas Community College value my contributions to the program. I first met with the GED supervisor at the end of spring 2010. I was granted verbal consent to begin recruiting students as of fall 2010. During this meeting, I provided the following details:

1. Purpose and significance of the research project 2. Recruitment process, specifying necessary contact with instructors and students 3. Length of study and general format of the interview questions 4. Participants’ right to discontinue participation in the study at any time 5. Commitment to share the findings of this study with CTCC-Adult Education.

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I reassured CTCC that my project would be unobtrusive, that I would not interfere with the instructional setting, and that I would not ask students to complete interviews during class time. I requested a list of GED courses, instructors, and their contact information. The GED supervisor and I agreed that instructors were to be notified prior to a class visit. She cautioned me to keep instructor phone numbers confidential. The GED supervisor also voiced concerns about the privacy and confidentiality of student participants. By the end of this first meeting in spring 2010, I agreed to return in the fall with the appropriate IRB forms. Although my request to introduce myself to GED instructors and to briefly describe my project was denied, the GED supervisor agreed to email instructors, informing them of my upcoming class visits once the fall semester began. I left her office reassured that I had access to the research site. I was, however, slightly unsettled by her parting remarks: “Good luck finding the four needles in the haystack.” During the summer of 2010, I planned recruitment procedures and outlined the best way to recruit Mexican immigrant GED students from approximately 60 courses at about 24 sites. I remained confident that I would find the four students for my study. After all, I had met many Mexican immigrant students during my five years as GED instructor. I was fully aware that they were scattered all over Central Texas Community College but would find them without any problems. To my surprise, I later confirmed the warning made by the GED supervisor.

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V. Recruitment & Selection of Participants During the spring, summer, and fall of 2011, I recruited participants following a sampling strategy that was non-probabilistic and purposeful (Merriam, 1998; Hatch, 2002; Gibson & Brown, 2009). Looking over the list of GED classes at Central Texas Community College, I established email communication with instructors. This provided a few leads during the fall of 2010; however, it was not until spring 2011 that I actively recruited students. I emailed instructors a week prior to visiting classes in order coordinate date and time. I wanted to ensure that my visit did not interfere with the day’s instructional or assessment goals. I received prior consent to all my visits. All instructors were accessible; however, one instructor requested formal documentation from the department to verify the project was authorized. Overall, my interaction with the department’s instructional staff was quite positive. They welcomed me into their often-busy classes, asked relevant questions, and encouraged and applauded my efforts to complete a doctoral degree. Recruiting visits lasted less than 15 minutes. Sessions were usually held at the end of class; however, instructors who taught evening courses suggested earlier visits. This was because the students, who had to attend to family or employment responsibilities, often left class early. During the recruitment, I: 1. Introduced myself as former GED instructor and current graduate student at The University of Texas 2. Described the project and its timeline 3. Provided an informational flyer 4. Answered questions 124

5. Remained after class to talk to anyone interested in participating

These recruiting sessions generated valuable insights. For example, I discovered I was more uncomfortable than I expected to be. I experienced constant internal conflict. What I had first identified as a familiar space due to my previous teaching experience, was now a foreign place. I felt first-hand what Clandinin and Connelly (2000) describe as, the “discovery of tension” (p. 45). I was no longer an insider; I was the outsider. My status as a former GED instructor gave me easy access to the GED program supervisor, the GED courses at Central Texas Community College, and the instructors. It did not, however, give me easy access to the lives of participants. Although most students listened respectfully and nodded in affirmation during my brief presentation, I felt inadequate, exposed. Part of this can be attributed to the significant number of GED students who not only questioned the purpose of my project, but who also questioned my motives. During one visit, a student even asked, “What’s the point?” It was a valid question. I responded by acknowledging this; then, I clarified that my interests and dedication to the field of adult education began years before. I briefly shared my professional experiences as GED instructor, essay scorer, and trainer to show that I genuinely believed in adult education and its students. Aside from this one instance, generally students asked about the types of questions they would answer, the location of the interviews, and the length of the study.

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Spring 2011 was the first round of recruitment. I visited 42 classes at 19 sites; scheduling classroom visits according to my own work, teaching schedules, and the location of GED classes. I tried to group sites that were geographically close together. If there were several classes at one site, I did my best to make only one visit to that campus. For example, on my visit to Baltimore Middle School, I visited three GED classes. There I found one student who not only fit the study, but also who was interested in participating. Fortunately, this first recruiting session was the most effective. I found six potential candidates, met individually with five of them, and ended up with four who agreed to participate. I held an informal meeting, and had a candid conversation with each of the 4 potential participants. I explained the details of the study and gave the individual an opportunity to ask questions or to voice concerns before agreeing to participate. The principal goal of this meeting was to begin to build a relationship by getting to know each other (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007). To that end, although I discussed the general logistics of the project, I also shared personal information. I spoke about my own immigration story, educational journey, teaching experiences as a GED instructor, and reasons for pursuing a doctorate degree. Each person was given copies of all required IRB forms and was notified of privacy and confidentiality standards. Each reviewed the interview guide. Although its length surprised each of them, no one felt that I was making an unreasonable request. The students mostly sounded excited to be part of a research project and were genuinely interested in helping me. One participant commented, Me

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interesa tu proyecto y te quiero ayudar. Te ves como buena persona. “I am interested in your project and want to help you. You seem like a good person.” There was a fifth student who verbally agreed to participate; however, her nonverbal behavior indicated how uncomfortable she was. Additionally, she felt the need to bring a family member to the initial meeting. Later, this participant did not answer my phone calls. After several weeks, I decided to stop calling. I interpreted her lack of communication as a clear sign of her decision not to participate in the study. The sixth candidate proved difficult to reach. Even though we made several attempts to meet, none occurred. He was willing to meet me late at night after his class ended around 9:30pm, but I found this unethical. Asking a student to rush to an interview instead of heading home after a long day of work and school seemed unjustifiable. As it turned out, this person informed me via text message that he would be unable to participate, stating that he had just started attending GED classes and was adjusting to his new schedule. Overall, this first recruiting session was very successful. I had 4 participants and two more opportunities to recruit. In summer 2011, I followed the same recruitment techniques I had used before. During the month of June, I visited all 20 classes that were in session. These summer courses had low attendance; in fact, many classes were nearly empty during my visits. New students do not enroll during the summer. Still, I continued the search for potential participants. I had no luck. I held my last recruiting session during fall 2011. I only visited beginner and intermediate level courses because I only needed one participant to

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replace a previous participant who withdrew at the end of June. I visited 13 classes at five sites. I was unsuccessful. I did not find any new participants for my study. It is worth noting that although Hispanic students make up 73 percent of enrollment in GED classes at Central Texas Community Classes, this classification is given to all Latinos. Classes during this semester had many young, U.S. born Mexican American students who did not fit the study’s criteria. There were also many Mexican immigrants who were very willing to participate, but they did not meet the study’s criteria either. Central Texas Community College does not gather data on students’ immigration status, but informal conversations with several GED instructors, as well as my own experience as a GED instructor, suggest that Mexican immigrants are enrolling in ESL courses and then transitioning into GED programs in increasing numbers. These individuals are taking advantage of the opportunities provided through adult education and finding an alternate pathway toward higher education in the United States. The sample size is small (4 participants) in order to ensure a rich description and accurate interpretation rather than generalization or representativity (Lichtman, 2006; Gibson & Brown, 2009). My priority was to capture the details of the participants’ educational journeys and experience in adult education, rather than trying to relate any findings to broader contexts. Although I often worried about the research value of such a small study, I was reassured by the work of Hatch (1995, 2002): Qualitative researchers argue that no direct relationship exists between the number of participants and the quality of a study; questions of number are answered in reference to research questions and levels of analysis; contexts are 128

carefully described so that readers can make their own judgments about applicability to their own contexts; and there are no extraneous variables- any element that is perceived to be important by participants is important to the study. (p. 48). In order to capture the educational experiences of students who recently entered the GED program, this study only includes participants ages 18-24. This is also the largest GED student population at CTCC and at other programs in Texas. I selected to include an equal number of men and women in order to capture the perspectives and experiences of both genders (López, 2002; Feliciano & Rumbaut, 2005; Suárez-Orozco & Baolian Qin, 2006). I opted to only interview students who had immigrated to Central Texas after the age of 12 and had received some of their schooling in Mexico in order to document their binational educational journey. In order to compare their high school years, all participants attended schools in Central Texas Independent School District. In summary, using the characteristics of the hom*ogeneous sample (Patton, 1990; Hatch, 2002), I looked for: 1. 4 participants 2. Ages 18-24 3. 2 men and 2 women 4. Mexican immigrants who were 12 or older during immigration 5. Received some schooling in Mexico 6. Attended high school in Central Texas Independent School District 7. Currently enrolled in the GED program at Central Texas Community College

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VI. Sample: Brief Introduction to Participants

Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella (all pseudonyms) graciously agreed to be part of my dissertation project. Their personal narratives, collected for this project, are only a snapshot of their lives. As Clandinin & Connelly (2000) explain:

Their lives do not begin the day we arrive nor do they end as we leave. Their lives continue. Furthermore, the places in which they live and work, their classrooms, their schools, and their communities, are also in the midst when we researchers arrive. Their institutions and their communities, their landscapes in the broadest sense, are also in the midst of stories. (p. 64) In this section, I briefly introduce the participants and provide some information about their current lives, routines, and why they decided to enroll in GED classes at Central Texas Community College. This data was taken from the following section of the interview script: About You: Life Prior to Enrolling in the GED Program. Their narratives are presented primarily in Spanish, since all interviews were conducted in this language, but English translations are included.

Participant 1: Alfonso Alfonso is a hardworking young adult who juggles employment, school, family and personal responsibilities with an easygoing nature and a positive attitude. We quickly developed a good rapport. My numerous apologies for any inconvenience brought about by this project were met with his dismissal. He was an eager and willing 130

participant. We scheduled interviews on the days his GED class did not meet. It was, usually around six or seven at night and often after a long day of work for both of us. He arrived on time ready to answer all of my questions. During our conversations, he provided candid details of his educational journey, of his current progress in the GED program, and of his aspirations. I immediately noticed his open nature and his strong work ethic. I was not surprised when he described himself as sincero, trabajador y honesto (sincere, hardworking, and honest). Prior to immigrating to Central Texas in March 2002, when he was 14, Alfonso had lived in Ojo de Agua, a rural area near the city of Jerécuaro, in the state of Guanajuato, Mexico. He attended Central Texas ISD schools for middle and high school. For Alfonso, life in Central Texas includes a range of employment, educational, and recreational activities. He works six days a week, tends to family duties, finds leisure time to enjoy his friends and girlfriend, and attends GED classes three times a week. He enjoys living in this region of Texas because, as he explains, No hay mucho vandalismo, hay oportunidades de trabajo, hay muchos parques donde divertirte, hay clubes nocturnos y más. “There is not much vandalism; there are opportunities to work, there are lots of parks to enjoy; nightclubs, and more.” Alfonso has a job in construction. Although he admits that the recession has significantly impacted the amount of building projects his company takes on, he is happy with his salary. He says, Paga bien comparado a otros trabajos como de jardinería y eso. “It pays well compared to other jobs, like landscaping and such.” He understands that the recession has affected everyone, especially the building and construction sectors. 131

Alfonso lives with his mother and siblings. His father, siblings, and extended family moved to Central Texas from the Mexican state of Guanajuato about twenty years ago. Central Texas is now home to many uncles, aunts, and cousins. As the youngest of six, Alfonso realized early in his adolescence that no matter how supportive his eldest siblings were, he had to contribute to his family’s livelihood. This determination remains part of Alfonso’s personality. He explains, Mi meta es ir al colegio y aprender un poco más de lo que ya sé y no estar esperando a que me caigan las cosas del cielo. “My goal is to go to college and learn a bit more than I already know; not just wait around for things to fall out of the sky.” Alfonso’s parents completed only a few years of elementary school in Mexico and encouraged him complete his educational goals. He also recognizes his family’s current support of his educational pursuits, and of their awareness that the GED credential will translate into better employment opportunities for Alfonso. Prior to enrolling in the GED program at Central Texas Community College, Alfonso primarily focused on work in order to financially support his family. He credits a family acquaintance with providing him information about adult ESL classes available at the neighborhood school. He said: Una vecina que es cuñada de mi hermana dijo que estaban inscribiendo ahí en la escuela para clases de inglés. Y cuando yo entré a la clase de inglés este sólo quería aprender un poco más de inglés y saberlo escribir y leer, y ya después que estaba en la escuela dijeron que había pasos que seguir y que si pasabas los exámenes podías llegar a tomar hasta clases para sacar el GED. A neighbor, who is my sister’s sister-in-law, mentioned that the nearby school was enrolling people in English classes. When I started attending the English class, I just wanted to learn more English; to know how to read and write in 132

English. Once I was in school, they told me about some steps you could take; if you passed the tests, you could even take classes to get the GED. Alfonso’s desire to simply improve his literacy skills in English turned into an educational journey to obtain the GED credential. He spent one year in ESL classes and was then encouraged by his instructor to enroll in the GED program. Although he knew that this would not be a quick process, Alfonso felt driven to pursue this next step. He explained: No sé, es algo que tengo, una inquietud de no sólo estar en la casa sentado esperando a que pase un milagro o a sacarme la lotería porque yo no creo en la suerte, sino que la suerte la buscas. Cuando empecé a estudiar fue porque tenía ganas de aprender a hablar un poco más correctamente el inglés y saberlo escribir, y ya estando adentro de las clases me empezaron a gustar las clases, cómo te enseñaban y todo, y cuando me empezaron a explicar que podía sacar había la posibilidad de sacar el GED--es algo que me motivó para seguir. Quiero ir al colegio y si no saco el GED no puedo entrar al CTCC. I don’t know; it’s something inside me, a need to not just be at home waiting for a miracle to happen or to win the lottery. I don’t believe in luck, I believe in fate. When I started school I did so because I wanted to learn English better, to know how to write it. Once I was attending classes, I enjoyed them. I liked how they taught and everything. So when they began to inform me that I could get a GED--that was something that motivated me to keep on going. I want to go to college, and if I don’t get the GED, I can’t enroll in CTCC.

Alfonso enrolled in GED classes in fall of 2010 with the guidance of the supervisor of community education at the neighborhood school where Alfonso attended ESL classes. He possessed an innate desire to achieve more for himself. Alfonso expressed this determination to me: Algo en mí me motivo, pues no sé, simplemente quiero hacer algo más, ser algo más que sólo un construction worker. “Something inside me motivates me.

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I don’t know; It’s just that I want to do something more, be something more than just a construction worker.” This was but a brief introduction to Alfonso. In Chapter 4 we will learn through his narrative about his perseverance and drive, as well as how adult education is reshaping his educational journey.

Participant 2: Frodo Frodo is an on-the-go twenty-four year old who maintains a busy schedule, which includes running a small construction business, attending GED class, and providing for a wife and infant daughter. Although we scheduled many sessions, Frodo often made last minute cancellations or simply failed to show up at the agreed upon time. Finally one morning, we were able to sit down for an interview that turned out to be the only one he completed. During the conversation, in which I briefly got to know Frodo, I noticed his thirst for learning and his desire to make a good life for himself and for his wife and daughter. He described himself as amigable, sencillo, y honesto (friendly, modest, honest). These characteristics were obvious, even after just one meeting. In 2003, at the age of 16, Frodo arrived in Central Texas to join his mother, siblings, and extended family, who had lived in Central Texas for almost fifteen years. Frodo had visited the area previously. Although he grew up in Mexico City, he migrated to Central Texas in order to have access to better educational opportunities and to respond to his father’s concerns for a safer environment for his youngest sons. Frodo attended a Central Texas ISD high school. With the help of his siblings, Frodo found 134

employment working small construction projects and collaborating with family on small business ventures. At the time of this interview, Frodo was taking a break from his construction job in order to nurse a back injury. He attended GED class at Central Texas Community College. Frodo described his close-knit family as follows: Siento que tengo la responsabilidad de apoyar a mis hermanas, ya están casadas pero más que nada a mis sobrinas, apoyarlas moralmente, si se puede económicamente también porque van a la escuela. Una de mis hermanas está separada, entonces trato de apoyarla, a ella más que nada. I feel that I have the responsibility to support my sisters, who are already married, but especially my nieces. I give them moral support; and if I can, economic help too since they attend school. One of my sisters is separated, so I try to help her even more.

Frodo found out about the GED credential through television commercials and from friends. His friends told him about a type of diploma you could get working at your own pace. Frodo took their information and did some further research. After calling the Adult Education Department at Central Texas Community College, Frodo learned about the upcoming orientation and about registration requirements. Here, he explains the driving force behind his return to an educational setting: Yo tenía pensado regresar a la escuela pero no tenía tiempo definido por lo mismo de mi bebé y mi esposa, el trabajo, y porque me tenía que mover de donde vivía. Entonces ahora que me lastimé pues me impulsó a regresar. Tenía que buscar otra alternativa ¿verdad? y pues la escuela es lo que yo también he anhelado entonces dije “tengo que regresar ahora”. Y gracias a Dios mi pareja me está apoyando mucho. I had planned on going back to school, but I didn’t have a set date because of my baby, my wife, job, and because I also had to move from where we were living. But now that I’m injured, well, it’s given me a shove in the right direction. I had to look for another alternative, right? And since I have always wanted to attend 135

school, I told myself, “Now, I have to go back.” Thank God, my wife is being so supportive. This support from his wife, as well as encouragement from his father and his own selfdetermination, has motivated Frodo to enroll in GED classes. He shared the following: Mi papá siempre ha querido que alguien de la familia termine la universidad—él terminó su carrera, es abogado, y hasta ahorita nadie ha terminado. Entonces yo soy la como que la última chispa que queda. Como quiera si quiero, la verdad, es mi anhelo también. Pues, a mi me gustaría ir a la universidad, me gustaría tener una carrera. My father has always wanted for someone in the family to finish college--he finished his studies; he’s a lawyer. Until now, no one has finished. So, I’m the last remaining hope. And as it is, the truth is, that it’s also my dream. I would like to attend college. I would like to finish a degree. Frodo left the study without any formal notice in June 2011 after only completing the pre-interview and interview one. After two months of biweekly phone calls and text messages, I decided to stop trying to reach him. He never returned my phone calls or text messages. Participation was voluntary and I had to respect Frodo’s decision. In October 2011, he was enrolled in one of the courses I visited. He was very surprised to see me but gave me a friendly smile. We greeted each other politely, but did not engage in conversation. Although I wanted to ask him how he was doing, I promptly realized that this would jeopardize our privacy and confidentiality agreement and I opted to only greet him. The instructor noticed that we knew each other and asked me if I had already met Frodo. I replied by simply saying, “I’ve met a lot of students throughout the years, I’ve been at Central Texas Community College since 2005.” I proceeded with the recruitment session, handed him another recruitment flyer, made my presentation to the class, and left. Frodo never called and although I wish he had finished all five interviews, his 136

decision to withdraw from the study not only showed me the difficulty of conducting qualitative research but also reaffirmed my goals as an educational researcher. Each person decides when to tell their story and this process cannot be forced. As researchers, we must acknowledge and respect the participants’ agency. Even though Frodo only completed one interview, I will still include him in the data analysis section because he did complete a portion of the project. During these conversations he shares his feelings about the progress he has made in GED class as well as how he jumped at the chance to participate in a new program offered by CTCC-Adult Education. He was still enrolled in the program during the fall 2011.

Participant 3: María María is a busy wife, a mother of two young children, and a GED student, so it was generous of her to participate in the study. She arrived at our first interview session with both of her small children in tow. I quickly ascertained that Maria’s personality centered on practicality and helping others. Within minutes of our first conversation, I found out that she helped her youngest sibling with homework, assisted her parents whenever they needed her, cared for her children, and did everything in her power to help her husband resolve his employment and personal issues. In addition to all of these responsibilities, María had enrolled in night school hoping to one day attain the GED credential. She patiently completed all five required interviews in the study and never once voiced concerns about this added pressure in her life. María described herself as alegre, amistosa, y sincera (happy, friendly, and sincere). This truly captures her 137

personality during our meetings. I found it very heartwarming to hear her tell her children after sessions where they were present, Díganle adiós a Tía Lucy. “Say goodbye to Aunt Lucy.” María spent her childhood in Zimapán, Hidalgo, which is a small city in central eastern Mexico. In 2000, at the age of 12, Maria, her mother, and her two brothers migrated to Central Texas in order to reunite with her father, who had resided in this region for many years. María has other family members who have lived in Central Texas for many years even prior to her family’s immigration. María and both of her siblings attended Central Texas ISD schools. Now, at 22, María has mixed feelings about life in Central Texas. She still feels a connection to Mexico. As she explained: Extraño México. No es lo mismo vivir en México que vivir aquí, y aquí es más difícil. Aquí la economía pues no está bien y en México pues necesito menos para sobrevivir. Y me gusta vivir aquí porque hay lugares a dónde ir y está cerquita y no es difícil transportarse, y en México no. En México es más difícil que uno salga… I miss Mexico. Life in Mexico is not the same as life here, and life here is more difficult. Here, the economy is not doing well, and in Mexico, I need less to survive. I like living here though, because I can go places that are close by and getting around is easy. In Mexico, I can’t do this. In Mexico, it’s harder to get out and about. Before the birth of her youngest child, María worked at various restaurants before deciding to stay home fulltime to take care of the children. She commented that even in the food service industry, finding a job was hard. As indicated earlier, María demonstrated a strong family bond. Aside from her immediate family, she has a genuine desire to help her parents. She explained: Siento la obligación de buscar otro trabajo y sacar a mi mamá de trabajar y pues 138

ayudarla, ayudarlos a ellos porque ellos me ayudaron a mi mucho ya, me cuidaron desdepequeña hasta los diecisiete (17) años y creo que ahora es mi obligación ayudarlos a ellos. I feel that it’s my obligation to look for another job so that my mother can stop working. I want to help her, to help them, because they have already helped me so much. They took care of me since I was little until age 17, and now I think it’s my duty to help them.

After spending many months as a stay at home mom, María found out about the GED credential through a girlfriend. She explained it as follows: Una amiga me habló y me dijo “mira ¿sabes qué? Van haber clases para sacar nuestro GED y pues tú dime si te animas a ir”. Le dije “sí”, le dije “dame el número y voy a pedir la información”. Y pues así fue como fui a dar al CTCC del este y pregunté. Allí me dieron el folleto de las inscripciones y los requisitos, y así fue como yo entré al programa de GED. A friend called me and said, ‘Hey, you know what? They’re going to have GED classes. Let me know if you’re interested in going. I said, “Sure, give me the number and I’ll call to get information. So this is how I ended up at CTCC, at Eastside campus, asking around. There, they gave me a flyer with the registration information and the requirements; and this is how I ended up in the GED program.

Although María had heard about the GED credential previously, she hadn’t really understood that it was a high school equivalency exam. She explained that her children were the driving force behind her decision to enroll: Decidí terminar el GED porque quiero darles un mejor futuro a mis hijos, quiero que ellos vean que yo me esforcé y que ellos se pueden esforzar…y que pues es mejor que si vayan a la escuela y que la terminen y le echen ganas. I decided to complete the GED because I want to give my children a better future. I want them to see that I’ve worked hard and that they can work hard … and that, well, that it’s best for them to go to school, graduate, and strive to do their best.

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Maria’s parents also encouraged her to enroll in GED classes. They had only completed elementary school in Mexico and felt that the GED credential would provide María with better job security and many other opportunities. María grasped the relevance of her mom’s advice; she too felt that the GED would lead to better employment opportunities and possibly better wages. She said, Veo la vida de las personas que tienen pues el certificado de GED o el diploma de high school, y veo que trabajan, que tienen un empleo seguro, de tiempo completo, tienen un sueldo mejor y en lugar de estar ganando seis (6) o siete cincuenta (7.50) la hora. Ellos ganan de once (11), doce (12), trece (13), catorce (14) dólares la hora y no andan que buscando aquí o buscando allá más trabajo, tienen un trabajo estable. I see the lives of people who have completed the GED certificate or have a high school diploma, and I see that they have a steady, full-time job. They have a better salary, and instead of earning six or seven fifty an hour, they earn eleven, twelve, thirteen, fourteen dollars an hour; and they don’t have to look around for more work; they have a steady job. María enrolled in the GED program at CTCC during spring 2010. During this same spring semester and while she was finishing the interviews for this study, she started her GED tests. María was highly motivated to remain in the program until she succeeded in obtaining a GED diploma. Although I lost track of her at various times throughout this project, I learned that she had become completely involved in helping her husband resolve his personal issues and in taking care of her children whenever he was away. She had, in fact, been forced to set aside her educational goals for a few weeks, but was then able to return to class before the semester ended. Chapter 4 will expand on her narrative and will reveal an educational journey of strength and perseverance, complete her education in the United States. 140

Participant 4: Bella Bella described herself as muy responsable, independiente, y lista para ayudar a otros (very responsible, independent, and ready to help others). At age 24, Bella lives independently in Central Texas. She holds a full-time time job at a restaurant, provides financial support for her mother, and also for family members who still reside in Mexico. Bella attends GED classes at Central Texas Community College twice a week. Despite her busy schedule, Bella agreed to participate in this study and completed all five interviews. She felt her participation was important. She specifically wanted to share her educational journey with the hope that others would gain a better understanding of why so many Mexican immigrant students do not complete high school, and would see the value of the GED credential. Due to her long work hours and family responsibilities, contacting and meeting Bella was difficult. Still, she remained patient and committed to finishing the project. Bella grew up in the small of town of Pénjamo, Guanajuato. After the age of 12, she made several migrations to Central Texas before immigrating permanently at the age of 16. When in Texas, Bella attended Central Texas ISD schools. Although she states that she enjoys living in Central Texas, her words reveal some doubt: Sí me gusta vivir en el centro de Texas, ya me acostumbre después de tanto tiempo. Además tengo a mi familia aquí, a mis amigos. “Yes, I like living in Central Texas, after so much time, I’ve already gotten used to it. Plus I have family here, and friends.” Later, she elaborated a bit more:

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La vida de aquí, es muy diferente a la de México. Pues es un poco más grande, es una ciudad más grande que donde vivía en México, hay muchos más oportunidades de trabajo, de escuela, de todo. Life here is very different than in Mexico. Well, it’s a bit bigger here; it’s a bigger city than where I was living in Mexico. Here there are many more job, school, and all around opportunities. Bella’s father immigrated to Central Texas before his oldest child was born. The family soon followed. Although Bella does not know the exact reason why her parents chose Central Texas, she assumes their decision was probably based on employment opportunities. Extended family also resides in the area. Bella shares a close relationship with her siblings, but she is most connected to her mother. Although she does not recall her parents’ level of education, she is acutely aware of her mother’s high expectations for her. Bella described her mother’s expectations as follows: Mi mamá tiene más confianza en que yo voy a hacer algo más de lo que hicieron mis hermanos. Ella me dice que por lo menos yo estoy tratando y mis hermanos no. Uhm espera que tenga una carrera, un buen trabajo y que no dependa de nadie. My mom has more confidence in what I might do than in what my siblings have done. She tells me that I’m at least trying while my siblings aren’t. Um, she expects me to have a career, get a good job, and not depend on anyone. Because of this close relationship with her mother, Bella has an increased sense of duty towards her. Tengo obligación con mi mamá, se podría decir que económicamente yo ayudo a mi mamá. Siempre lo hago. De cada cheque que recibo, le doy dinero a ella porque no está trabajando y a mi hermano también, mi hermano el más pequeño está ahorita en high school. Yo lo hago porque yo quiero, pero en si yo también siento que lo esperan porque soy la única que sí los ayuda a ellos. I feel obligation towards my mother, you could say that I help her out financially. I always have. I give her money every time I get paid. I do this because she’s not 142

working, and I also give my brother money. He’s the youngest and is currently in high school. I do this because I want to, but I also feel that this is what they expect of me since I am the only one who helps them out. Bella has worked in the same restaurant for three years. She often works overtime in order to meet her monthly expenses and to also meet these family obligations. Bella has known about the GED credential for many years, but she only decided to enroll in courses after receiving encouragement from her roommate. Desde hace bastante tiempo sé que existe el GED, desde después de que dejé la escuela. Traté de sacarlo de hecho pero fui a tomar clases de ESL primero porque quería estar como bien preparada para tomarlo. Estuve yendo a clases de ESL por un tiempo en CTCC del este. Pero deje de ir porque sentía como que no estaba aprendiendo tanto, como que yo estaba un poquito más avanzada de lo que estaban ellos aprendiendo…y ya no fui. En el 2010, mi roommate que está estudiando contabilidad en CTCC me dio la información de donde tenían las orientaciones y eso, ya después yo fui. En la orientación, conocí a un señor que era maestro de CTCC y él me empezó a dar información del GED. Y sí le dije que en si mi objetivo era agarrar el GED y por eso estaba yendo a clases de ESL, y me dijo que fuera un tiempo a las clases de ESL y que después tratara de meterme a las clases de GED. Y en agosto del 2010 entre a las clases de GED. I’ve known about the GED for a long time; basically since I left school. I tried to complete it, but first I enrolled in ESL courses because I wanted to be well prepared to take it. I attended ESL classes for a while at the Eastside campus of CTCC. I stopped going though, because I felt I wasn’t learning much; I felt I was a little further along than what the others were learning than what the others were learning and so I stopped going. In 2010, my roommate, who is studying accounting at CTCC, gave me information about the orientation and such; so I went. At the orientation, I met a man who was a teacher at CTCC, and he started giving me information about the GED. So I told him that my goal was to complete the GED; and that’s why I was going to ESL classes. He suggested that I attend ESL classes for a while; then try to transfer into GED classes. And in August 2010, I transferred into GED class.

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Bella made the decision to enroll because she wanted to not only complete her secondary education, but also to continue on to higher education so she could find better employment in a field she enjoys. An incident at work also expedited her return to school. Bueno, fue porque pasó algo curioso en mi trabajo. Estaban buscando un manager. Pero para ser manager tienes que por lo menos tener el GED o tu diploma de high school. Y me lo querían dar a mí pero yo no lo tenía, así que se lo dieron a alguien más. La verdad sí me hizo sentir mal como que nada más por eso no me lo dieron. Porque en si ellos me decían que estaba capacitada para el puesto, pero si no lo tenía no–no-no me lo podían dar. Well, something weird happened at work. They were looking for a manager. In order to be hired as a manager though, you have to at least have a GED or a high school diploma. They wanted to give me the job, but I did not have either one, so they gave the job to someone else. The truth is that it made me feel awful; I felt like this was the only reason why I didn’t get it. They actually told me that I was qualified for the position, but without [the diploma], there was no way, no way at all that they could give me the job. Bella’s determination to do more for her own future continues to fuel her educational journey. More of Bella’s narrative is revealed in the next chapter. During the many months of conversations with her, I gained so much respect for Bella. I admire her work ethic and her strong character. On our last meeting, Bella arrived with a big smile on her face. She had just made her last car payment and was feeling very proud of herself. Slowly, but clearly, Bella is making a life for herself in the United States.

VII. Data Collection and Analysis In spring 2011, I started the data collection phase of this dissertation. I gathered information through individual, face-to-face, in-depth interviews that were structured, but 144

conversational. These interviews centered on open-ended questions and were guided by an interview schedule (Slavin, 2007; Gibson & Brown, 2009). All participants were presented with the same set of questions and in the same sequence. The structure of the interview script helped ensure that the data gathered was topically consistent. The guiding questions for these formal interviews were written in Spanish and English but only Spanish was used. No one requested an English version. I field- tested a few questions during a pilot study of GED students in fall 2009. I also asked colleagues to provide feedback before I began the interviews. I encouraged participants to speak freely. I told them I did not want them to worrying about code switching, and/or the use of Spanglish or slang. It was important for me to include open-ended questions that were clearly written and that also acknowledged the value of the information provided by the participants (Hatch, 2002). The formal conversations were organized in a way that gave participants the opportunity to share details about their current efforts to obtain a GED diploma, to reconstruct past educational experiences, as well as, to communicate their aspirations for the future (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Hatch, 2002). The following reflects the predetermined typologies included in the interview guide and the topics raised: 1. About You: Life Prior to Enrolling in the GED Program 2. Moving forward: Educational Experiences and the Value of the GED 3. A Bi-national Educational Journey: Schooling in Mexico and the United States 4. Immigration Story, Negotiating Spaces, Identity, and Cultural Citizenship The first topic, About You: Life Prior to Enrolling in the GED Program, included questions about the participant’s background and prompted participants to describe 145

themselves as they are today as young adults, family members, and employees. The goals of this introductory section were twofold. First, I wanted to acknowledge who these young adults are today and make this the focal point of the study. Specifically, I wanted to call attention to the fact that they are no longer adolescents who left high school before completing graduation requirements; they are presently strong, responsible, young adults who are not only committed to their families, but to their own educational advancement and personal growth through the GED program. Several questions prompted participants to comment on their reasons for returning to an academic space in search of the GED credential. Secondly, I began the study with conversations that gave us opportunities to get to know each other. After ending the first interview with each participant, I briefly shared my own story and educational journey. These narratives are presented later in this chapter. Questions under the second topic, Moving forward: Educational Experiences and the Value of the GED, were tailored to get the participants to talk about their current educational experiences in the GED instructional setting. These students elaborated on the significance of the GED diploma in achieving their professional aspirations and shared their goals for the future. This was all vital information. Although this study is not an evaluation of the GED program provided by Central Texas Community College, it does provide valuable feedback that can guide recommendations for the Department of Adult Education. The participants’ collective advice has been incorporated into the final chapter of this dissertation.

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Within topic three, A Bi-national Educational Journey: Schooling in Mexico and the United States, questions were divided according to elementary, middle, and high school experiences. Here, too, I included questions about the education of the participants in Mexico prior to immigrating to the United States. In addition, in order to gain a better understanding of what Mexican immigrant students experience in high schools across Central Texas ISD, this section asked students to discuss their high school years in detail. Topic four, Immigration Story, Negotiating Spaces, Identity, and Cultural Citizenship, was designed to focus in on the immigration experience of each participant. Each of their immigration stories is an essential part of this project; consequently, these sections gave students the opportunity to recount their transition to life in the United States, as well as to express opinions regarding immigration reform and immigrants’ rights. I wanted to acknowledge their political sentiments and accommodate their foresight on the future of Mexican immigrants in this country. Furthermore, this section provided topic, a space for these young adults to comment on how they feel today as they proceed to make a life for themselves in the United States. Individual interviews were scheduled with each participant according to their availability. These lasted from 45 to 90 minutes. Following the guidelines provided by Hatch (1995, 2002), I had each participant complete a series of five to six interviews. I experienced first-hand what Slavin (2007) wrote about face-to-face interviews when he states that they, “can take a lot of time, can be difficult to schedule, and can be costly if travel is involved” (p.106). Numerous scheduling obstacles interfered with the process of data collection for this study. As mentioned before, all four students were not only 147

enrolled in GED courses, but they also held full-time employment, and had family responsibilities to attend to. Hatch (2002) notes, “Good qualitative interviews are characterized by respect, interest, attention, good manners, and encouragement on the part of researchers” (p.107). For me, these values were central components of my relationship with participants and not just the basis of quality interviews. I respected the participants’ need to cancel or reschedule interviews; I inquired about their well being; and I encouraged them to do what was best for them. I let them know that my role in their lives and the completion of this study was secondary to anything else in their lives. In response, I hoped that they saw me as a resource; not a burden. An example of this collaborative arrangement is seen with Bella. She often had to cancel or reschedule interviews; after all, her job at a local restaurant not only ensured her own livelihood, but also secured monthly financial assistance for her mother and occasionally for her maternal grandmother in Mexico, too. Bella’s supervisors noticed her good work ethic; she was often rewarded with extra shifts or opportunities to work overtime. On one occasion, Bella was so busy with work that she requested to be interviewed during her lunch break. I expressed my gratitude for her earnestness, but politely declined. I pointed out that her hour off was more important than the interview. I cheered her on as she gained more responsibilities at work, and I never lost sight of my secondary role in her life. The process of collecting data intrinsically required a high level of negotiation. As Clandinin and Connelly (2000, p. 72-76) describe, one cannot just enter and exit the research process. It requires: 148

1. Negotiating relationships: The negotiation of a research relationship is on-going throughout the inquiry. Good narrative relationships carry with them a sad and wistful sense born of the possibility of temporariness. 2. Negotiating purposes: The purposes, and what one is exploring and finds puzzling, change as the research progresses. This happens from day to day and week to week, and it happens over the long haul as narratives are retold, puzzles shift, and purposes change. 3. Negotiating transitions: It is critical to the trust and integrity of the work that researchers do not simply walk away when “their time has come.” 4. Negotiating a way to be useful: In the field, researchers feel silenced and voiceless, useless.

First, my experience with negotiation during the data collection phase of this study was clearly something I was unprepared for. Although I knew that creating a positive rapport with participants was first on my list of priorities, I did not foresee the varying degrees in collaborations that would form with each participant. Second, the purpose of the project shifted as narratives unfolded. During the planning stages of this study, I had labeled participants as non-completers and focused on their high school educational journeys. As students began to recount the details of their lives, a new purpose began to take shape. The objective of this project now became the documentation of who these students are presently; not who they were in high school. Third, transitions in our relationship have been especially difficult to negotiate. It took approximately six months to complete all required interviews with the participants. Although I have tried to collaborate further with them, I have only managed a few brief telephone conversations. In essence, our relationship ended the day of the last interview. Lastly, I certainly fit Clandinin and Connelly’s (2000) description when they write of a researcher’s desire to be useful (p. 149

78-82). During my years as a GED instructor, it was very important for me to create a student-centered class. I felt this teaching philosophy would ensure not only effective curriculum and instruction, but it would also foster collaborative learning, good relationships, and support networks. Ultimately, my goal was to become an additional resource for these participants; someone who could help them to navigate adult education practices and procedures. This, however, did not happen; consequently, I continue to negotiate my own sense of usefulness and my goals as an educational researcher. Participants were also asked to complete ten take-home, essay format, open-ended questions. I divided these ten questions into five sets. After each interview, participants received a set of two take-home questions in order to give them the opportunity to provide more information. I requested that they complete each set prior to the next meeting. I advised them not to spend more than thirty minutes on each question, to answer in English, Spanish, or both. I told them there was no minimum amount required and encouraged them to write as much as they felt like answering.

The essay questions

were organized chronologically: asking students to describe their lives and schooling in Mexico; their immigration story; their high school days; their current experiences in the GED program; and their goals for the future. I collected these questions during each meeting. The goal of using participant journaling as a supplementary data source was guided by Hatch (2002), who points out that this exercise “encourages individuals to process and reflect on experiences in different ways than thinking about them or discussing them with others” (p.140). I wanted for participants to spend some time 150

reflecting and synthesizing their own experiences in private and outside of the interview space. Nevertheless, although I followed the guidelines provided by Hatch (2002) for how to collect this type of data, only two participants completed this component of the study. I provided clear expectations, gave concise instructions, collected data regularly, and praised students for their efforts; however, this task proved difficult and burdensome. In retrospect, this request for supplemental data was an unfair request to make of the participants and is not included in the data analysis or in the findings sections of this dissertation. These were busy young adults who were unable to find time to write their memories, feelings, and experiences. As it was, just scheduling the required interviews was challenging. In the end, there was a total of seventeen interviews completed with the four GED students. This data was transcribed in full during summer and fall 2011. Transcripts ranged from twenty to fifty typewritten pages. In addition, I took brief notes based on the interview script during each conversation. I also kept a research journal with further post-interview reflective field notes (Hatch, 2002; Bogdan & Biklen, 2007) on analysis, method, ethical dilemmas, and points for clarification. Research journals provide a record of the affective experience of doing a study. These (entries) should be personal, honest, and reflective accounts of the human experience of studying other people. They are places to ‘talk to yourself’ about how things are going, about your fears, frustrations and small victories. (Hatch, 2002, p.87-88)

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Typological analysis was the most appropriate method for this study because interviews were the sole data collection tool. In the words of Hatch (2002), interviews, “were undertaken with a fairly focused purpose, a fairly narrow set of research questions, and a fairly well-structured data set” (p.152). Hatch (2002) further clarifies, “Data analysis starts by dividing the overall data set into categories or groups based on predetermined typologies. Typologies are generated from theory, common sense, and/or research objectives, and initial data processing happens within those typological groupings” (p.152). As I have already outlined in this chapter, the interview guide used during this project was organized into four topics. This allowed me to capture the participants’ perspectives on specific subjects; consequently, the initial categories for analysis were already specified. I organized the data collected using the topics of the interview script as typologies. Chapter 4 will provide data description and analysis of the following typologies: 1. Moving forward: Educational Experiences and the Value of the GED 2. A Bi-national Educational Journey: Schooling in Mexico and the United States 3. Immigration Story, Negotiating Spaces, Identity, and Cultural Citizenship

VIII. Trustworthiness Issues of reliability and validity within qualitative work follow different guidelines. This research methodology emphasizes the importance of trustworthiness. Therefore, in order to demonstrate the rigor of this project and to safeguard against any 152

ethical concerns, I adhered to the following measures of qualitative research (Guba, 1981; Krefting, 1990; Merriam, 1998; Mertens, 2005; Maxwell, 2010). First, each participant completed a series of five to six interviews. I spent a prolonged length of time with each participant in order to allow him or her to become comfortable with the research project. The interview script was also designed to enhance the trustworthiness of this study. The sequence of questions followed a logical order and topics were organized with subheadings. My prolonged engagement with the participants also ensured thick description. Audio files were then transcribed verbatim to prevent the loss of any data. Second, because I felt that participants would be difficult to contact after the completion of the interviews, I conducted member checks after each interview. Prior to beginning the next interview or set of questions, I solicited feedback from each participant about responses to previous questions. After completing all the interviews, I called each participant once to verify any remaining questions. Third, I discussed my interview script and initial findings during peer debriefing sessions with three fellow doctoral candidates. This took place throughout several semesters from fall 2010 to fall 2011. My colleagues and I created a safe space for discussion; one in which we collaborated for conference presentations and voiced research concerns over our individual projects. Finally, chapter one addresses my positionality in detail. This dissertation also contains a candid account of my experience, including my feelings throughout the entire research process. I have outlined any biases throughout my field journal and this manuscript. I have also maintained thorough and accurate records of all research. This audit trail provides a detailed description of the study. 153

Triangulation is often a tool for ensuring the validity of qualitative research and has even been described by researchers as a “powerful tool for enhancing the quality of the research, particularly credibility” (Krefting, 1990, p.219). Several scholars, however, have expressed reservations about the true value of this technique within narrative research. For example, Bogdan and Biklen (2007) state: We advise against using the term. It confuses more than it clarifies, intimidates more than it enlightens. If you use different data-collecting techniques-interviewing, observation and official documents, for example--say that. If you collected data from many subjects about the same topic, say that. If more than one researcher collected the data, say that. In short, describe what you did rather than using the imprecise and abstract term triangulation. (p.116) Academic researchers within narrative inquiry also voice concerns over the use of triangulation in such projects. Webster and Mertova (2007) assert, “It is not necessarily applicable to storytelling-based research. Indeed, triangulation in a storytelling sense is almost impossible to achieve” (p.91). I follow the above the recommendation and simply provide detailed information of all data I collected for this dissertation project. In addition to interviewing the four primary participants of this study, I also talked to three individuals employed by Central Texas ISD during fall 2011. These included a teacher who worked with English Language Learners (ELLs), a counselor who provided support for newcomer students, and a dropout prevention specialist. All three individuals provided services at the same high school: Richardson High School. The issues discussed with this group of 154

professionals included the academic support available for Mexican newcomer ELL students at the campus, the strengths and challenges faced by these students, the support available for parents and families, and the strategies implemented for high school completion and college readiness at this high school. My conversation with each person lasted approximately 60 to 90 minutes. Although the participants of my study are not high school students, nor do I wish to present them as high school non-completers in this study, I felt it important to learn about the high school space. I do not have any formal experience within this educational setting; consequently, I chose to converse with high school representatives in order to supplement my knowledge and to better understand the participants’ recollections of their high school experiences. I also talked to three people from the Adult Education Department at Central Texas Community College during the summer and fall of 2011. These included the supervisor of the GED program, a GED instructor, and a recruiting/advising Specialist. We discussed the program’s goals, instructional policies, student population, Mexican immigrant young adults, implemented strategies for retention, and support provided for post-GED educational options. My conversation with each person lasted approximately 60 to 90 minutes. These conversations were key components of my research. I not only acquired an understanding of the administrative side of the GED program, but I also gained insight into how Mexican immigrant young adults are fairing in their journey towards the GED credential.

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In addition to speaking to personnel from Central Texas Community College and Central Texas ISD, I had a brief conversation in spring 2012 with a staff member at the Mexican Consulate, who worked at the Office of Cultural and Political Affairs at the Institute for Mexicans Abroad. Since this dissertation addresses the schooling needs of Mexican immigrant young adults, I felt it was necessary to contact this office and hear their sentiments about the educational progress of Mexican nationals living in the United States and about the GED credential. It was the first time I visited the Mexican Consulate. I was very nervous. I took a number and sat in the waiting room. Minutes later a security guard approached me and asked if I required any assistance. I explained my purpose, showed my identification card from The University of Texas at Austin, and also showed my business card verifying my employment with the Center for Mexican American Studies. I admit that I felt the need to use all of my credentials. I told the security guard that I could make an appointment and return at a later date, he quickly pointed me in the right direction. The staff member in charge of the Office of Cultural and Political Affairs at Institute for Mexicans Abroad politely greeted me and provided me with basic information about the educational opportunities the Mexican government offers to Mexicans abroad. The information that I gathered during this brief meeting is included in the final chapter of this dissertation.

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IX. Ethical Considerations This study follows the guidelines of ethical research prescribed by the Institutional Review Board of The University of Texas at Austin, as well as those outlined by narrative research. First, participants were not coerced or pressured into participation. All verbal and written communication with participants emphasized their voluntary involvement and their right to withdraw from the study at any time without penalty. Since I am not a GED instructor at Central Texas Community College, I have no authority over the participants. Participants were not coerced into answering interview questions they did not feel comfortable answering. They were informed that they were at liberty to skip questions during individual interviews or take-home questions. All participants agreed to be audio-recorded. Second, the privacy of the participants met ethical research protocols. This project received a Waiver of Documentation of Informed Consent from the IRB Office. Participants received this informed consent document in both English and Spanish for their records. I did not ask participants to sign an active written consent. Aware of the current sensitivity of immigration issues in this country, I wanted to ensure the anonymity of participants who may have felt uncomfortable signing documents. Their verbal consent was audio recorded and saved. Participants were asked to select a pseudonym, and these have been used throughout the project, including in any notes referencing individual participants and locations. The location of interviews was selected to further ensure the privacy of participants. Locations were chosen by the participants and were always well away from 157

other people’s hearing. This was done in order to further protect the privacy of the participants. No interview question caused a participant to disclose legal status or citizenship. If, however, the individual disclosed citizenship, such information was discarded. Third, in order to safeguard the confidentiality of the participants and of the research data, I used identification numbers, such as participant 1, 2, 3, 4, and pseudonyms. I did not share any information about participants with each other, nor did I share information with anyone who was not directly involved in this dissertation project. Only a report of the recommendations provided by participants will be shared with the Department of Adult Education at Central Texas Community College. Research data was locked in a file cabinet in my residence. These included all responses to take-home questions, transcriptions of audio, and my notes and reflections. Digital audio files were saved using only the label Participant #. Fourth, participants were fully informed of the details of the study; specifically, the length of the interview guide, focus of the study, types of questions, and approximate time required to complete the project. Once participants indicated interest, a pre-study meeting was held before research activities began. During the pre-study meeting, participants received complete information about the project and what they would be asked to do. The pre-interview session was not audio-recorded. Participants were given an opportunity to ask questions and voice concerns. I answered all questions to the best of my ability, but I also encouraged the participants to contact my faculty supervisor or IRB contacts if my answers did not suffice. 158

Interviews were scheduled according to their availability and the project maintained a flexible timeline for completion in order to ensure respectful consideration of the participants’ schedules. Last, I maintained a professional relationship with all participants throughout the study. We formed a relationship of mutual respect. I was always mindful not to say or do anything that would embarrass them or myself, or to make any of us feel uncomfortable. Throughout the duration of this project, my main concern was the lack of direct reciprocity. The following quote by Bogdan & Biklen (2007) describes my unease about my future as an educational researcher. They explain: People doing research have always been concerned with taking more from the research participants than they give. Researchers write dissertations that lead to career advancement or books that result in promotion and royalty checks. What the subjects get from the arrangement is not clear. In recent years, this issue has reared its head regularly in discussions about ethics. Exploitation of subjects has been a burning topic in a number of fields. Feminist scholars have been most prominent in keeping this topic before the research community. Some researchers are plagued with guilt about it. (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007, p.52) I am a graduate student plagued with guilt about the lack of direct reciprocity in this study. Although I allowed some time for a debriefing during my last meeting with each participant and emphasized my accessibility and desire to be of service, my contact with Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella has been brief. I tried to communicate with them after the completion of the data collection process, but my attempts were limited to phone calls 159

or texts. During these short conversations, I provided them with an update of the project, asked them about how things are going in the GED program, and offered my assistance in any GED-related concern. Although the students respond politely to my phone calls, they do not sound interested in further collaboration. I respect this since my aim throughout the project was to offer support, not to add stress to their lives.

X. Limitations of Study The main limitation of this study is that it only includes a very small subgroup of Latina/o GED students enrolled at Central Texas Community College. Retrospectively, the criteria for the selection of participants for this research project were too narrow and many Mexican immigrant students who were willing to participate were left out. Participants were left out because their ages and educational backgrounds did not align with the selection guidelines of the study. Many were older than 24 years old or had not attended high school in Central Texas. I am fully aware that this greatly limits the scope of the study but am confident that the data gathered will result in plausible instructional recommendations for the education of Mexican immigrant young adults in adult education programs. The second limitation of this study is the use of face to face interviews as a primary source of data. This research technique required participants to answer promptly without allowing time for reflection or deep thought (Gibson & Brown, 2009). Although I tried to circumvent this limitation by providing them with an opportunity to complete essay questions at home, this additional task proved to be excessive and unsuccessful. I 160

also proposed a group meeting to participants in order to bring about more in-depth discussions of key concerns they are experiencing as GED students and young adults in Central Texas. Although students showed some interest in participating, they also voiced concerns about the time requirements of the study. Therefore, this gathering was not logically possible. The participants of this study had employment, educational, and family responsibilities to attend to and I chose not to create more stress in their daily routines. Overall, I am satisfied with the quality of study that I was able to complete. This was my first independent project and I believe that these limitations are lessons learned and ideas for further research. They do not diminish the value of this study’s findings.

XI. Summary of Chapter In summary, this chapter documents the important methodological steps taken and the procedures followed during this qualitative project. This chapter also introduces the four participants of the study. Although I provide very brief overviews of the participants, it seemed important to highlight these individuals and their narratives early on; specifically, because both are key components of this study. The educational journeys told in the narratives of Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella serve the vital purpose of helping adult educators to better understand the educational needs of Mexican immigrant young adults.

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This chapter also chronicles my personal experiences with the qualitative research process. After completing this study, I feel mixed emotions, ranging from commitment and satisfaction, to guilt. I remain committed to adult education and its students, and feel extremely satisfied with what I’ve contributed to the field both as a practitioner and scholar. Yet, I will candidly admit that I feel guilty about possible omissions during this project. I now understand the academic responsibility that comes with conducting qualitative research in education. My primary goal was to conduct a humanistic study that brings the narratives of these young adults into full view. Luttrell (2010) best describes my purpose and understanding of qualitative research: Qualitative research holds high expectations of its practitioners, not the least of which is its profound humanism. Qualitative research insists upon a face-to-face, heart-felt encounter between knowing subjects, a recognition that each of us is unique in our effort to make sense of ourselves and the world around us. To approach another as a knowing subject-to care about a person’s integrity, joys, sufferings, and self-definition-takes intellectual and moral courage, scientific risktaking, and artful representation of what one has learned. There is no clear-cut path of discovery in qualitative research. (p.1)

It is my hope that I have adhered to this principle throughout this project. Chapter 4 will continue to highlight the educational narratives of the participants.

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CHAPTER 4: NARRATIVES OF EDUCATION AND IMMIGRATION

I. Introduction This chapter presents the results of a typological analysis of the data (Hatch, 2002). As previously outlined, the examination of the transcripts was guided by four typologies. Thereafter, I reviewed the data to identify main themes and ideas shared by the participants of this study. The section that discusses their educational journey does not follow this guideline of qualitative research. Rather, I chose to present a chronological analysis of the data collected. I decided to tell their stories rather than report on patterns shared by the participants. The following sections show the results for each typology as well as excerpts from each transcript. Results for the first typology were shared in Chapter 3. Since this is a small qualitative study, I chose to include the journey of all four participants. Frodo’s narrative is included in portions of this chapter, according to the information he shared during his one interview. Participants graciously took time out of their busy schedules to participate in this project, which also included answering twelve pages of questions. This is my way of acknowledging their efforts. This section highlights their journeys in this country and their undeniable perseverance and desire to be active participants in their lives. They openly conversed about the details of their current lives, reflected upon the achievements and challenges of their teen years, and shared their hopes for the future. As Rosaldo (2009) describes, they are individuals with “goals, perceptions, and purposes of their own” (p. 260). 163

Furthermore, this section shows how Mexican immigrant young adults are using the GED classroom to construct, negotiate, and transform their lives in the United States. The participants’ voices are the primary focus of this chapter and their narratives are presented first in Spanish, followed by English translation. This section also incorporates the information given by adult education personnel from CTCC. They provided important insider point of views about Mexican immigrant young adults enrolled in GED classes, as well as about the program’s instructional procedures and goals.

II. Moving Forward: Adult Education and the Value of the GED In chapter three, I briefly introduced the participants and provided some information about their backgrounds, current lives, and reasons for enrolling in GED classes at Central Texas Community College. This section will focus on their overall experience as adult education students, the value of attending GED classes, the significance of completing the GED, and the impact that the GED credential will have on their educational journeys. In addition, Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella share their descriptions of the GED student and the driving force behind the endeavor to complete their GED. This study does not examine the pedagogical quality of GED courses at Central Texas Community College, nor does it intend to scrutinize the work of the instructors. Any specific names mentioned by students have been changed to pseudonyms. Nevertheless, participants did share their opinions about the curriculum and instruction available to them at CTCC. They also provided recommendations for the program’s supervisor. I chose to include these as important details of their educational 164

experiences as adult education students. The information will be outlined in the next chapter. Overall, all four participants were happy with the courses, instructors, and adult education program. They felt that the classes were student-centered and had few concerns. All participants noted that instructors were committed to developing a positive relationship with each student and often voiced high expectations for all. Alfonso, in particular, was very happy with the program. The GED course he enrolled in surpassed his expectations, and he felt that students were the primary focus of the class. As Alfonso explained: Pienso que el programa es lo que yo quería y buscaba porque no simplemente es de sólo hablar inglés. Tenemos que saber hablarlo, escribirlo y leerlo. También siento que si algo de la clase no me gusta, le puedo decir a la maestra, “ésto no me gusta o ésto está muy difícil para mí o necesito ayuda en esto” y la maestra nos ayuda. Hace todo pensando en el estudiante, y cómo ayudarnos. I think that the program is what I wanted and was looking for because it’s not enough to speak English. We have to know how to speak it, write it, and read it. I also feel that if there’s something in class I don’t like, I can say to the instructor, “I don’t like this or this is too difficult for me or I need help with this,” and the instructor will help us. She does everything thinking about the student, and how to help us.

Frodo requested a change in placement because he felt that his first GED course was not an appropriate level for him. He requested a transfer into a higher level course and found out that he met the reading level requirements to enroll in the career track program. He signed up for the automotive electrician course since his goal was to acquire a vocational skill while completing his GED. Frodo shared the details of this decision during our first conversation: 165

La verdad yo no me sentía muy bien en la clase de Carmen, sentía que no era mi nivel, era un nivel muy bajo, muy bajo, en matemáticas también. Estaba contento pero a la misma vez no porque sentía que no era mi nivel. Mi curso actual esta centrado en los estudiantes, porque tomaron mucho tiempo en construir la clase por lo que yo sé. Siento que estoy aprendiendo mucho. Hasta han estado preocupándose en si podemos llegar. Incluso están tratando de juntarnos en un lugar para todos venirnos juntos. Están tratando de apoyándonos para no faltar. The truth is that I was not very happy in Carmen’s class. I felt it was not my level; it was a very low, very low level, in mathematics too. I was happy, but at the same time not because I felt it was not my level. My current course is focused on students, since they took a long time to form the course, as far as I know. I feel that I am learning a lot. They even worry about whether we can get to class. They are trying to get us together in one place so that we can carpool to class. They are trying to help us not miss class.

Maria’s experience in her GED class was similar to that shared by Frodo. Although, overall, she was happy with the course, she felt the instruction was planned too often around the needs of newly enrolled students. These students frequently had only basic knowledge of the material that had already been covered. She believed that too many, review or refresher lessons were provided instead of new concepts. Identifying a previous instructional setting, as a better fit for her learning needs, María commented: Pienso que está bien la clase que está dando Sara y siento que si estoy aprendiendo, pero a veces pienso que falta que nos ponga a hacer cosas un poquito más difíciles, que nos separe en grupos y nos diga “pues aquí está el grupo mediano, el grupo bajo, y el más alto”. Eso hacia la maestra anterior a Sara, nos separaba por grupos en más bajo, en mediano, y en más alto. Y nos enseñaba a todos diferente pero nos dedicaba tiempo a cada grupo. Partes que no entendíamos, ella nos explicaba. Pasaba a cada rato, varias veces preguntando, “¿qué es lo que necesitas, le entendiste, o quieres que te explique?”. Creo que de esa manera era mejor. I think that Sara’s class is okay and feel that I'm learning, but sometimes I think she should give us assignments that are a little more difficult, divide us into groups and say, “here's the intermediate group, the low group and the high one." This is what my instructor before Sara used to do. She would divide us into 166

groups: low, intermediate, and high. And she taught all of us differently but would spend time with each group. She would explain concepts that we didn’t understand. She would come by each group frequently, asking us several times, “what do you need, did you understand, would you like me to explain?” I think it was better that way. Bella, however, had a different experience and made the following observations: Creo que el salón está enfocado en los estudiantes, porque cada estudiante tiene diferentes necesidades y siento que Carolina se enfoca en cómo ayudar a cada uno de nosotros. Sí nos ayuda individualmente. A veces siento que nos apresura, que va muy rápido, y no entendemos lo que está enseñando. Pero siempre se toma el tiempo para ayudarnos y repasa la lección varias veces. Pero a veces siento que se queda mucho tiempo en un solo tema. El salón va al paso de nosotros. I think that the class focuses on students because each student has different needs, and Carolina focuses on how to help each one of us. Yes, she helps us individually. Sometimes, I feel that she rushes us, that she goes too fast, and we don’t understand what she is teaching. But she always takes the time to help us and she reviews the lesson several times. Other times I feel she spends too much time on one concept. The class[room] moves along at our pace.

In spite of varying experiences with GED instructors, all participants credited the GED course with helping them not only to make academic progress, but also for making them feel more secure about their educational skills and potential than prior to enrolling in the class. They noted academic progress primarily in the areas of language arts and writing, and mathematics. In language arts and writing, they specifically described an improvement in fluency, reading comprehension, orthography, sentence construction, and essay writing. Alfonso and Bella commented that early on during their first semester, they were unable to put their thoughts on paper, format an essay, and follow basic punctuation rules. They now felt that this newly acquired proficiency gave them the confidence to complete writing assignments, and they felt less embarrassed about their 167

language skills. The course also provided them with study skills, such as note taking and learning how to review the day’s lessons at home. María and Bella, in particular, felt that the mathematics course had helped them review what they previously learned in high school and to finally comprehend basic concepts, as well as more advanced branches of math, like algebra and geometry. Furthermore, all participants believed attending GED class had many benefits. As Alfonso explained: Un beneficio es tener una maestra que puede explicarte lo que no entiendes. Además, poder compartir con compañeros para que la clase no sea tan aburrida es muy bueno también. Si tienes preguntas les puedes preguntar a tus compañeros también. One benefit is having an instructor that can explain what you don’t understand. In addition, it’s also very good to be able to interact with peers so that the class isn’t so boring. If you have questions you can also ask your peers.

Frodo expanded on the benefits, specifying personal components such as self-esteem, motivation, and fulfillment. He shared these insights: Ir a clase te anima a seguir. CTCC te impulsa a seguir estudiando ahí…todos los días te hablan de una carrera, de seguir estudiando, de echarle ganas. Entonces te impulsa a seguir estudiando una carrera o algo, pero que sigas estudiando. Personalmente me he sentido mejor en lo moral, en que sí puedo terminar la carrera, sí puedo ser alguien, que le puedo echar ganas. He estado más alegre conmigo mismo, más, no sé, más entusiasmado, más contento. Attending class encourages you to keep going. CTCC motivates you to continue studying there...every day they speak to you about a career, to continue studying, to put in the effort. This inspires you to further explore a career or something, to keep studying. Personally, my morale is better. I feel that I can finish a career; I can be somebody, that I’m able to make the effort. I've been happier with myself, more, I don’t know, more excited, more pleased than before I enrolled in the program. 168

María and Bella both reiterated the sentiments expressed by Alfonso and Frodo. Enrolling in GED class held more than educational benefits, as María expressed: El primer beneficio es que tengo compañeros y me ayudan. Si yo no entendí algo ellos podrían explicarme si ellos lo entendieron mejor que yo. También, tengo oportunidad de continuar con mis estudios…que es lo más importante. Tenemos un poco más de comunicación con la maestra y con los que están a cargo en CTCC como consejeros. Ir a la clase de GED ha cambiado mi forma de pensar. Porque antes…cuando me salí de la escuela pensé que iba a ser fácil para mí encontrar un trabajo. Pero ahora pienso que eso no es cierto. Sé que necesito tener algún tipo de certificado o algo que me ayude a lograr una vida más estable. The first benefit is that I have classmates and they help me. If I didn’t understand something, they could explain it to me if they understood it better than I did. Also, I have the opportunity to continue my education...this is the most important. We have communication with the instructor and with people who are in charge of CTCC, such as counselors. Going to GED class has changed my thinking. Because before...when I left school, I thought it would be easy for me to find a job. But now I know that's not true. I know that I need to have some kind of certificate or something to help achieve a more stable life. Bella also communicated several personal benefits she gained by enrolling and attending GED class: Ahora que voy a clase, me siento más segura de mí misma; siento que si puedo terminar el GED y seguir estudiando, y antes la verdad lo dudaba. Estar en la clase de GED te ayuda a hacer un compromiso más serio. En la clase te enfocas más en el trabajo; no tienes distracciones de que quieres ver la tele o quieres ir a comer o…algo así. Otro beneficio de estar en la clase que tienes tu maestro que te está enseñando; en la casa sólo tendrías libros y no nadie te estuviera explicando. Now that I go to class, I feel more sure of myself; I feel that I can finish the GED and continue studying; and before, to tell you the truth, I doubted it. Being in the GED class helps you make a more serious commitment. In class you focus more on the assignment; you don’t have distractions like wanting to watch TV or wanting to go eat or…something like that. Another benefit of being in the class is that you have your teacher there to help you. At home, you would only have books and no one would be explaining to you. 169

In addition to believing the GED program offered them benefits, Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella felt that the GED certificate was an attainable goal. They acknowledged that it was not an easy test or a speedy process. Completing the GED was a one to two year, short-term goal. They felt animados, encouraged, by their own academic progress in class and by CTCC staff. María had even gained the confidence to begin testing. During the time of these interviews, she had already scheduled the reading, science, and social studies exams. Each participant explained in detail what fueled their desire and motivation to complete the GED. Stimulus came from a variety of sources: Yo mismo me motivo a diario. Si salgo tarde del trabajo trato de ir diario a la escuela, y creo que los maestros me motivan porque diario sacan algo nuevo que a lo mejor ayer no sabías y eso te motiva. Es como una motivación diaria para aprender algo nuevo y no esperar a que si la gente te diga algo, tú les tengas que creer porque no sabes. Entonces eso es lo que me motiva, el saber. I motivate myself daily. If I leave work late, I still try to go to class everyday. I also think that the instructors motivate me because everyday they find something new to teach you, something that you might not know, and that motivates me. It’s like a daily stimulus to learn something new and not rely on what people tell you; not have to believe them because you don’t know. So, that is what motivates me: knowledge. –Alfonso

Me motiva ese anhelo de terminar una carrera. Es un anhelo personal, la satisfacción personal. I am motivated by the desire to finish my education. This is a personal wish, personal satisfaction. –Frodo Mis dos hijos me motivan porque quiero empujarlos a ellos a que cuando empiecen la escuela que la terminen, y no sean como yo, que no digan “la escuela no es para mí o no puedo”. Quiero que ellos vean que yo no terminé la escuela, pero que ellos hagan el esfuerzo de terminarla y que, pues, también le echen muchas ganas. My two children motivate me because I want to push them so that when they start 170

school they finish it, and not be like me; that they don’t say, "school is not for me or I can’t." I want them to see that I didn’t finish school, but they should make the effort to finish it and, well, put a lot of effort into it. –María Mi hermano, mi mamá, y mi roommate, me mantienen motivada. También, ver en cómo estoy cada día, a veces sí llego al trabajo y pienso, “ya estoy cansada de trabajar aquí.” Hay días buenos y días malos. Y eso es lo que me mantiene motivada, de que no quiero esto, no voy a aceptar esto toda mi vida, quiero hacer lo que a mí me gusta hacer. Sí me pagan bien pero sé que puedo hacer algo mejor. My brother, my mom, and my roommate, they keep me motivated. Also, seeing how I feel every day. Sometimes I get to work and think, "I'm tired of working here." There are good days and bad days. And that's what keeps me motivated, the fact that I don’t want this; I won’t accept this my entire life. I want to do what I like to do. They pay me well, but I know that I can do better. –Bella The possibility of completing the GED certificate filled these students with anticipation; not only of future personal gains, but also of academic and professional opportunities. Alfonso began working construction jobs during his late teenage years and quickly learned that vocational trades, such as carpentry and plumbing, required a certification from the state. By the time he enrolled in the GED program at CTCC, Alfonso knew a GED would open many doors for him. He shared these comments: En el trabajo me ayudaría en que si aprendo a leer los planos, a lo mejor en un futuro puedo agarrar trabajos por mi cuenta y ganaría más dinero. Si saco el GED pienso estudiar o sacar alguna licencia. Aquí todo es con licencia. En mi vida personal sería como un logro sacar el GED porque--porque se miraría la diferencia de trabajar para alguien y ser tu propio patrón. It will help me at work. If I learn to read blueprints, maybe in the future I can get work on my own and make more money. If I finish the GED, I plan to study or get some type of certification. Everything here requires a license. In my personal life, finishing the GED would be an achievement because--because one would be able to note the difference between working for someone and being your own boss.

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As noted in Chapter 3, Frodo only completed one interview for this study. It was readily apparent, however, that he only had one thing on his mind: the GED. His strong desire for a college education is expressed below: El certificado del GED me ayudaría primero, pues en el inglés porque es lo más, lo más que quiero aprender ahorita. Segundo, pues para seguir estudiando en un colegio; y pues tercera, es un logro personal, una meta que yo tengo, que me he metido en la cabeza. First, the GED certificate will help me since English, because English, is what I want to learn the most right now. Second, well, in order to help me further my education in a college; and then third, it’s a personal achievement, a goal of mine, something I have in my head. María and Bella confirmed the sentiments expressed by Alfonso and Frodo about the anticipated value of the GED credential, noting that the value included personal, educational, professional, and financial gains: Me va ayudar a conseguir trabajo y…económicamente. Porque va ser más fácil que yo encuentre un trabajo. Cuando encuentre trabajo, creo que voy a estar mejor pagada. Y en mi vida, creo que con trabajo y mejor salario creo que yo así podré darle a mis hijos lo que yo no pude tener de pequeña. It will help me get a job and...financially, because it will be easier for me to find a job. I think that I will be better paid when I find a job. And in my personal life, I believe that with a job and better pay, I will be able to give my children what I did not have as a child. – María El GED significa más oportunidades. En trabajo, en seguir estudiando, en lo personal. Te sientes mejor cuando sabes que terminaste el GED y no nada más te quedaste a medias como mucha gente. The GED means more opportunities: for work, to continue studying, in my personal life. You feel better when you know that you finished your GED and didn’t just make it half way, as happens to a lot of people. –Bella The participants’ post-GED educational goals were aligned with the value they believed the GED credential held for them. Alfonso and Bella voiced a desire to one day have 172

their own business. Bella further believed that a degree in business would always be in high demand. Alfonso wanted to enroll in a vocational program at CTCC, such a plumbing or carpentry. Bella felt a business program would be the best fit for her. Frodo talked about pursuing an associates degree at CTCC; then, continuing on to a four-year institution where he could major in international relations. Although he was enrolled in the career track program and felt the skills he was gaining in auto mechanics were worthwhile, he did not want to work in this field. Maria’s educational goals were practical. As the mother of two young children, she expressed a need for financial stability. She wanted to start at CTCC in the medical assistant program since this profession would allow her to gain employment quickly and thus provide for her children. Additionally, the financial security would then make it feasible for her to pursue other educational interests in the future. The participants all confirmed that in the pursuit of their goals, the Department of Adult Education at Central Texas Community College put forth a lot of effort to provide them with information about vocational programs, college admissions, financial aid, scholarships, and dual enrollment opportunities for GED students. In order to gather the participants’ perceptions of the GED student and compare these to my own observations and sentiments, I asked them to describe a GED student. Their descriptions were candid and insightful. Additionally, their first-hand knowledge challenges the deficit ideas that often surround the GED student. It is important to stress that although these students did not complete high school, today they are young adults enrolled in an adult education program. Alfonso reiterated some of his earlier ideas about 173

the importance of acquiring new knowledge, stating: Lo describo como una persona que tiene logros, que quiere hacer algo, que no solamente quiere ir a aprender inglés sino quiere aprender otras cosas como el saber. I describe him as a person who has goals; he wants to achieve something, not just to learn English, but he also wants to learn other things such as knowledge. Frodo highlighted the efforts and sacrifices often made by GED students: Pues, yo la verdad creo que para un estudiante de GED es muy difícil porque para empezar son ya personas mayores que tienen una vida, tienen familia, tienen un trabajo, necesitan mantener a toda su familia. Ir a las clases es un esfuerzo doble porque llegan cansados, tienen que hacer tareas, tienen que estudiar entonces. Yo creo que es muy bonito que la gente ya grande y con hijos haga un esfuerzo por su familia porque realmente es para el mejor de toda su familia. Well, I honestly believe that things are very difficult for the GED student. For starters, they are older people who have a life, a family, a job, and need to support their entire family. Going to classes takes double the effort because they get home tired, they have to do homework, and have to study. I think it's great that older people with children make this effort for their family because this really is the best thing for their entire family. Maria’s description focused specifically on the Mexican immigrant student: Pues, hay personas mayores de veinticinco años que están ahí porque…quieren seguir estudiando, tener un futuro mejor para ellos mismos porque ellos están viendo que no es muy fácil conseguir un trabajo sin certificado, sin saber inglés, sin haber estudiado. Muchos, la mayoría de ellos ni el cuarto grado de la escuela terminaron en México y vinieron aquí a buscar un futuro mejor que realmente no han encontrado. Supuestamente muchos dicen que es el sueño americano pero…no, no es ningún sueño americano. Ellos tienen que esforzarse y buscar cómo sobrevivir especialmente si no tienen ningún certificado de la escuela. Es muy difícil para ellos vivir así. Well, there are people older than twenty-five who are there because...they want to continue their education, obtain a better future for themselves, because they see that it’s not very easy to get a job without a certificate, without knowing English, without having studied. Many, most of them, did not even finish the fourth grade in Mexico and came here in search of a better future that they have not really found. Supposedly many say that this is the American dream but...no, it's no 174

American dream. They have to try and find ways to survive, especially if they don’t have any type of school certificate. It is very difficult for them to live like this.

Bella commented on the determination that it takes to return to an educational setting and start over: El estudiante de GED es una persona se podría decir como luchona. Porque para mí, ir a las clases del GED es aún más difícil que…que ir al colegio. Yo sé que el colegio es más difícil, es como un nivel más alto, pero en si la iniciativa, tomar el primer paso es más difícil. Es más difícil porque la mayoría de los estudiantes ya son personas mayores que tienen que mantener a sus familias, y se tomen el tiempo para ir a las clases. Creo que sí tienen las ganas de estudiar. The GED student is a person who you could say is a fighter. This is because, for me, going to GED classes is even more difficult that going to college. I know that college is more difficult; it’s a higher level; but taking the initiative, the first step, is more difficult. It is more difficult because most of the students are older, and they have to support their families, and they still take the time to attend classes. I think that they do have the will power to study.

Most importantly, completing the GED certificate was either a personal goal or had significant meaning for all four participants. Alfonso’s response, for example, underscores how much he values education: Es una meta que no pude lograr de adolescente. ¡Uy! Sería algo como terminar una meta que dejé empezada cuando iba a la high school, que no pude terminar en la high school cuando tenía dieciséis años. This is a goal that I was not able to reach as a teenager. Yeah! It would be like finishing a goal that I left unfinished during high school; something I was not able to finish when I was sixteen years old. For Frodo, obtaining his GED was just the first step in his journey towards higher education. As he explained: Pues es muy importante porque es un paso que necesito tomar para hacer una 175

carrera. Entonces es un paso que tengo que hacer y lo quiero hacer bien. This is very important because it is a step I must take in order to have a career. It is a step I must take, and I want to do this right. Completing the GED has several meanings for María. As she shared, Tiene un valor muy importante. Es el primer paso que estoy dando para tener una vida mejor y darle una vida mejor a mis hijos, y demostrarme a mi misma que puedo salir adelante si me lo propongo. (It has a very important value. This is the first step towards a better future and towards giving my children a better life; I could also prove to myself that I can get ahead if I set my mind to it.) Bella also connects the value of the GED to her future. She expressed the following: ¡Wow! Aunque solamente es un papel, siento que tiene un valor que me haría sentir mucho mejor. Quiero terminar el GED, pues para mí misma, porque no quiero tener un trabajo cualquiera toda mi vida. Quiero un mejor futuro. (WOW! Although it’s only a piece of paper, I believe that its value is that it will make me feel a lot better. I want to finish my GED for my own benefit because I don’t want to have just any job for the rest of my life. I want a better future.) These findings will be further discussed in the next chapter; however, the value of the GED program at Central Texas Community College and the significance of the GED certificate for this group of students is evident. The support provided by the Department of Adult Education at CTCC has a positive impact on the participants’ educational experience, on their self-confidence, and on their future outlook. The following section examines their childhood and adolescence, specifically their elementary and secondary 176

educational narratives.

III. A Bi-national Educational Journey: Schooling in Mexico and the United States

This section documents the educational journeys of Alfonso, María, and Bella in both Mexico and the United States. Frodo only completed one interview, so his journey is not included. The following paragraphs focus on several sub-typologies that were outlined in the interview script: childhood and elementary school in Mexico, middle school years in Mexico, initial transition to life in the United States, and middle school and high school experiences in U.S. public schools. Once again, I reviewed the transcripts to identify main themes, but found that the participants each had a unique narrative. I opted to report as much of each individual journey as possible and followed chronological order in order to better document the stories.

A. Alfonso Alfonso grew up in rural Mexico in a ranch called Ojo de Agua de la Ordeña, near the town of Jerécuaro, Guanajuato. He explained that this region was once part of a large hacienda in the early years of Mexican history. During Alfonso’s childhood, Ojo de Agua had a population of 100 people; most knew each other personally or were family. Jerécuaro had one elementary school and residents had to travel by bus to town for groceries, medical attention, and other necessities. Alfonso was ten years old when his older brothers immigrated to the United States to join their father and uncles who had found steady work in Central Texas. According to Alfonso, the region lost most of its 177

male population to immigration, and he considers the increased violence in Mexico as a reason why many men have not returned. Alfonso continued to live in Ojo de Agua with his mother and sister until age sixteen. He described his childhood as a typical one in rural Mexico. He attended school in the morning and spent his afternoons helping his grandfather tend to his crops and livestock, or fetching water for his household. Afterwards, he found time to play with the other children in town, most of whom were cousins. Alfonso described his elementary school as follows: En la escuela, me tocó una misma maestra por tres años. Éramos más o menos de 25 a 30 niños pero de diferentes grados; primero, segundo y tercero en el mismo salón. La maestra enseñaba primero, segundo y tercero…entonces era difícil enseñar: al de primero enseñarle destreza manual, al de segundo enseñarle a leer y al de tercero enseñarle matemáticas. La escuela era pequeña, sólo eran dos salones. En un salón enseñaban de primero a tercero, y en el otro salón, cuarto, quinto y sexto. No había director, sólo eran dos maestros. A lo mejor como todos ellos venían de Jerécuaro a ese ranchillo, entonces por allá estaba el director o el que se encargaba de todas las comunidades. At school, I had the same teacher for three years. The class had 25 to 30 children, more or less, but all from different grades; first, second, and third. The teacher taught first, second, and third grade, so teaching was difficult. She taught hand dexterity to first-grade students, reading to second graders, and mathematics to third graders. The school was small with only two classrooms. In one classroom, they taught first through third grade and in the other fourth, fifth, and sixth. The school did not have a principal, only two teachers. At best, like all, they came from Jerécuaro to this little ranch, since from there the principal or the person in charge supervised all of these communities. Alfonso remembers a rigid instructional setting at this elementary school with extensive rules and corporal punishment. On the other hand, he also has fond memories of kind teachers who went out of their way to help students. He especially enjoyed participating in soccer matches with other neighboring schools. He stated that promotion to the next grade depended on one end of the year exam. 178

After completing sixth grade, Alfonso continued on to middle school in the nearby town of El Tepozán. Every morning he commuted in order to attend a telesecundaria, an instructional video-based middle school. Alfonso described this educational setting as follows: Era una tele-secundaria. Todo era por medio de la tele y luego tenías dos libros, uno se llamaba Conceptos Básicos que era donde leías y luego seguías un libro más grueso de preguntas que contestabas. La mayoría de las respuestas venían en la televisión, no venían en el libro. Tenías que poner mucha atención para poder contestarlas. Había un maestro pero él se ayudaba con la televisión. Éramos como 60 o 70 estudiantes y tres maestros: uno enseñaba primero, otro segundo y otro tercero de secundaria. Después en segundo de secundaria había otro maestro y menos estudiantes. A veces muchos se salen. Tienen que trabajar o no les gusta y ya no siguen estudiando. Las lecciones eran muy rápidas, como todo era por tele, te daban una hora, si no lo acabaste te lo dejaban de tarea. Y a veces tenías que hacer todo muy rápido porque si no acababas, no podías salir a la comida. O si no terminabas, salías tarde, y se te pasaba el camión y tenias que caminar de regreso a tu casa. It was an instructional video-based middle school. All instruction was done via the television and then you had two books. One was called Basic Concepts and you used it to read the material, and the other book was thicker; it had questions you had to answer. Most answers were in the videos, not in the book. You had to pay close attention in order to answer them. We had a teacher, but he was attending to the videos. There were about 60 to 70 students and three teachers. One taught seventh grade, the other eighth, and the other ninth grade. In eighth grade we had one more teacher and fewer students. Sometimes many students leave. They either have to work or don’t like school and just don’t continue. The lessons were given at a fast pace since it all was video based. You had an hour and if you didn’t finish, it was given as homework. Sometimes you had to work very fast because not finishing meant you couldn’t go to lunch. Or if you didn’t finish, you would get out late, miss the bus, and had to walk home. As per Alfonso, the teachers and the school principal changed every year. Each grade level had one teacher. These individuals were also responsible for coordinating afterschool activities. Alfonso shared memories of participating in poetry or sports competitions in Coroneo, a nearby town. Although it was difficult to commute to school, 179

he commented that his middle school experience in Mexico was essentially a positive one: Mi experiencia en la secundaria en México fue buena. Me gustaba convivir con mis amigos, competir contra otras tele-secundarias, conocer más amigos, y visitar pueblos que a esa edad no conocía. (My middle school experience in Mexico was a good one. I liked to interact with my friends, compete with other middle schools, make more friends, and visit towns that I had not yet visited at that age.) Alfonso had completed one semester of eighth grade when his family made the life-changing decision of immigrating to the United States. As he shared: Sólo llegué a segundo de secundaria en México. Octavo grado. Mi mamá y yo decidimos venirnos para acá. Era algo que ya tenía planeado con mis hermanos, pero cuando uno de mis tíos decidió que se iba a venir con su familia, le pedimos que si nos traía y dijo “¡OH! OK, se vienen conmigo”. I only made it to middle school in Mexico: eighth grade. My mother and I made the decision to migrate here. This is something that she had already planned with my brothers, but when one of my uncles decided to migrate with his family, we asked if he could take us along and he said, “Oh, okay, you’re coming with me.” When Alfonso immigrated to Central Texas, he was happy to reunite with his father, brothers, uncles, and a lot of extended family. He lived in a small apartment with his parents, two brothers, and their wives. He was content with the new home despite the limited space. He admitted that the new food choices required some getting used to, as well as feeling somewhat isolated since the neighbors did not speak Spanish. His routine included school, playing soccer, and working with his brothers during the weekends in their landscaping business. He described the process of enrolling in middle school in central Texas ISD, his first day of school, some initial difficulties, and his overall transition: 180

Fuimos a dos escuelas. En la primera no había clases de ESL y nos mandaron a Maple Middle School. Mis papas tardaron más o menos como unos quince días para inscribirme en la escuela. Cuando llegué, me preguntaron que si me quería quedar en el octavo o en el siete, y como ya se iba acabar el año, entonces pensé que si me ponían en el ocho me tenían que cambiar rápido a otra escuela y sentí que iba a ser muy difícil conocer compañeros. Entonces decidí quedarme en el siete, como ya nada más me iba a quedar como dos meses, y ya después seguí al ocho en esa misma escuela. Me acuerdo que me sentía un poco asustado porque pensaba que nadie iba a hablar español. Y cuando llegué una alumna que sabía español me llevó a la clase y cuando llegué, como era ESL, había muchos que hablaban español. Como que desde que llegué dije, “no, pues aquí voy a estar bien porque muchos saben español”. Al principio sí era bien difícil, pero poco a poco y con la ayuda de los maestros, con las regañadas que te daban, yo le echaba más ganas a la escuela. Lo bueno fue que conocí a un amigo que era venezolano. Él era uno de los más inteligentes de la clase de ESL, y me ayudaba mucho. Él y un amigo que se llamaba Cristian ya sabían inglés y me sentaba con ellos y me decían, “te podemos ayudar”. We went to two schools. The first school did not have ESL classes so they referred us to Maple Middle School. It took my parents about fifteen days to get me enrolled in school. When I arrived, they asked me if I wanted to stay in eighth grade or seventh grade. Since the school year was almost over, I figured if I was placed in eighth grade, I would have to move to another school fairly quickly. I felt this would make it very hard to make friends. So I decided to stay in seventh grade, since there were only two months left in the year; later, I continued to eighth grade at this same school. I remember feeling a bit scared because I thought that no one spoke Spanish. When I arrived, a student who spoke Spanish took me to class; since it was an ESL class, there were many who spoke Spanish. So, as soon as I enrolled, I told myself, “I’ll be okay here because so many speak Spanish.” It was difficult at the beginning, but little by little, with the help of teachers, and their scoldings, I put more effort into school. The good thing was that I met a friend who was from Venezuela. He was one of the smartest students in ESL class and helped me out a lot. He and another friend, Cristian, knew English, and I sat next to them. They used to tell me, “We can help you.”

Alfonso’s course schedule included mostly instruction within the ESL classroom. He enjoyed his new routine. It was much more dynamic than what he was used to in 181

Mexico, and he enjoyed all of the student activities that were available at Maple Middle School. He wanted to play soccer, but was unable to obtain the required physical exam before the season ended. In addition, Saturdays were the only days he could work; therefore, any school functions on that day were out of the question. He did not recall taking any state tests at this school, but he seemed to be aware of the academic tracking system often employed by public schools since he stated, En Maple aprendías mucho, había muchas clases…dependiendo en qué tan inteligente fueras o algo así. (At Maple, you learned a lot, many classes were available… depending on how intelligent you were, or something like that.) Alfonso recalled receiving English language support only from the ESL program, stating that he did not receive any additional help from other support services, special programs, or counselors. At this time in his life, Alfonso had professional aspirations. He wanted to pursue a career in teaching or landscape architecture. Overall, his experience at Maple Middle School, which was his first school in Central Texas, was a positive one. He shared these recollections: Pienso que fue una oportunidad muy grande para aprender inglés y saber un poco más de matemáticas o de historia. Fue una experiencia buena porque había mucha convivencia con los compañeros o maestros y aprendías mucho. Cuando vas a la escuela tienes dos opciones: juntarte con los bullies y hacer cosas malas como no ir a clases y creerte mucho, o ir a lo que vas, a estudiar, a aprender inglés. Y eso es lo primero que estaba en mi mente, aprender inglés y pasar mis clases. I think it was a great opportunity to learn English and a bit more math and history. It was a good experience because there was a sense of community among my peers and teachers, and we learned a lot. You have two options when you go to school: you can hangout with the bullies and misbehave, like not go to class and 182

be co*cky; or do what you are supposed to do: study and learn English. That was my primary focus, learn English and pass my classes.

Alfonso was promoted to the ninth grade. His family moved to a house in a different part of town and had to request a transfer for him to attend Bronson High School in Central Texas. He was happy to enroll here since most of his friends were at this school. He continued to share a home with his parents, brothers, sisters-in-law, nieces, and nephews. His routine was very similar to that of middle school. He attended classes, spent time with friends, and worked for his brothers on the weekends. At home, he was responsible for maintaining the yard or other outdoor projects. Alfonso described what seems to be a typical first day of school for ninth graders. He felt lost, confused, frightened by the older students, and was always late to class during this first week. After a month, however, Alfonso felt secure in his new environment, met new friends, and was ready to tackle the year’s academic demands. Although he felt more confident with the English language, he expressed difficulty with classes such as English Language Arts and speech. He did not fail though. Alfonso enjoyed school and had good grades. He explained, Es algo que tenía que hacer, mi obligación. (This is something I had to do; it was my responsibility.) He shared what he remembered about the TAKS test, saying, Los exámenes eran fáciles; los que sí estaban bien difíciles eran como el TAKS. Yo me acuerdo que cuando tomé el de álgebra era bien diferente a lo que ya había aprendido, y lo reprobé. (The tests were easy; the ones that were really difficult were the TAKS tests. I remember that when I took the algebra TAKS test, it was very different than what I had learned, and I failed it.) He received 183

instructional support from the ESL program, but he does not recall receiving additional services or being asked to attend after-school tutorials. Alfonso only solicited the help of the school’s counselor in order to select or change his course schedule. In terms of post-secondary advising, he remembered that a staff member visited his English Language Arts class to provide basic college information. This person encouraged the students to begin thinking about college, briefed them about financial aid, and offered assistance, but never returned. As a ninth grader, Alfonso had not yet given college entrance requirements any thought. He was primarily concerned with cost. Although he was not responsible for helping his family financially, Alfonso used his wages to buy his basic necessities. He stayed out of trouble with the school’s administrative team, even changed his group of friends to avoid being associated with the school’s pranksters. Although he did not report being targeted by bullies for being a student from Mexico, he did remember tension between different groups of students. Students often formed groups according to their ethnic background and fights between or within groups sometimes broke out for no reason at all. Alfonso explained feeling concerned: Había estudiantes que se creían mucho, fumaban cigarro, y eso no me gustaba. No me daba miedo porque nadie sacaba una pistola o navajas o eso, pero se peleaban por cualquier cosa, por cualquier tarugada y tú dices “¿a qué hora me van a golpear a mí y por nada?” There were some very co*cky students who smoked cigarettes, and I didn’t like that. I wasn’t scared of them because no one ever pulled out a gun or knives or such. But they did fight for any little thing, for stupid reasons, and one wonders, “When are they going to beat me up and without reason?”

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He emphasized that these groups were not the organized gangs that school and city officials report today. According to Alfonso, such groups formed several years after he left and when the school’s principal changed. Alfonso finished the school year and did not return to enroll in the tenth grade. He shared the factors that influenced his decision: Yo era el menor y todos mis hermanos estaban casados, tenían sus familias y en ese entonces mi mamá no tenía trabajo y mi papá tampoco. Estábamos viviendo con mis hermanos. No sentía que era correcto vivir con ellos y que me pagaran la escuela, me dieran de comer, y pagaran los gastos de mis papás también. No quería ser una carga para ellos. Ellos tenían sus familias que mantener. Algo me decía que eso no estaba bien. No me gustaba estar allí sin hacer nada más que estudiar y… aparte, ir a la universidad era muy costoso. Mi mamá quería que estudiara un poco más, pero… pensé, ¿para qué estudio más si no voy a poder ir a la universidad? La universidad es muy costosa y sentía que no la iba a poder pagar. I was the youngest, and my brothers were all married, had their own families. At that time, my mother did not have a job nor did my father. We were living with my brothers. I didn’t think it was right to live with them and have them pay my school, feed me, and pay my parents’ expenses too. I didn’t want to be a burden to them. They had their families to care for. Something told me that it wasn’t right. I didn’t like to be there without any responsibility except school and …separately, going to college was very expensive. My mother wanted me to attend school a little longer, but…I thought, “Why should I study longer if I can’t go to college anyway?” College is very expensive, and I felt that I wouldn’t be able to afford it. Alfonso was aware that financial aid was available in the form of scholarships or loans, but he did not believe either was a good option for him. He remembered thinking that obtaining a scholarship was next to impossible, and he would not be able to tackle the financial burden of soliciting a loan. His brothers had their own families and did not try to convince Alfonso to return to school. Friends tried to change his mind, but Alfonso felt secure with his decision and began looking for employment as soon as the school year ended. At first, he considered taking on a part-time job that would allow him to 185

attend school; however, he quickly found a full-time job in landscaping and followed through with his decision. A few weeks into the new school year, Bronson HS staff called the house to question Alfonso’s absence from school. His mom told the school that Alfonso had returned to Mexico. According to Alfonso, this was the safest response; it was the only way to avoid any problems with school policies. Alfonso discussed how he felt about not returning to school: En ese momento cambió todo. Dejé la escuela, decidí trabajar. Me enfoqué en ahorrar dinero y no malgastarlo, tener dinero para el futuro. La verdad no pensaba en regresar a estudiar. No me sentía satisfecho, satisfecho. Sí sentía como que a lo mejor me hubiera gustado estudiar un poco más, cosas así. Pero también no me sentía culpable ni culpaba a otras personas por mi decisión, no, no. No me sentía frustrado ni nada de eso. Everything changed at that moment. I left school; I decided to work. I focused on saving money and not squandering it, on having money for the future. The truth was that I didn’t intend to return to school. I didn’t feel very satisfied. I felt that maybe I would’ve liked to have stayed a little longer, things like that. But I also didn’t feel guilt, nor did I blame others for my decision, no, no. I wasn’t frustrated or anything like that. Alfonso spoke positively about his educational experience at this school: Mi experiencia en Bronson HS fue buena porque pude por lo menos aprender un poco más de inglés. Si no hubiera ido a la escuela en los Estados Unidos fuera un burro. Si alguien me habla inglés, le entiendo. My experience at Bronson HS was a good one, because at least I was able to learn a little more English. If I wouldn’t have attended school in the United States, I would be an ignorant person. When someone speaks to me in English, I understand that person. Alfonso did not think that his immigration experience affected his education in a negative way. He explained: Creo que no, porque a lo mejor si me hubiera quedado en México, 186

no hubiera seguido estudiando, porque simplemente la preparatoria estaba muy lejos de dónde yo vivía, y la universidad aún mucho más lejos. (I don’t think that migration affected my education, because if I would’ve stayed in Mexico, I wouldn’t have even attended high school. The high school was simply too far from where I lived, and the university was even further.) Alfonso shared a few of his opinions on why Mexican immigrant youth sometimes do not complete high school in the United States: Unos llegan muy chicos y se empiezan a juntar con amigos de la calle o de la misma escuela y se dejan influenciar, empiezan a representar colores o a meterse en las gangas. A veces a muchos de ellos los expulsan de las escuelas por lo cual ya no pueden asistir. Y por otro lado, a lo mejor los papás ven que se están metiendo en gangas y mejor los sacan de la escuela y los ponen a trabajar para separarlos un poco del mal ambiente que tienen. Some arrive at a very young age and begin to hang out with the wrong crowd from the streets or from school and are easily influenced. They start to represent colors or join a gang. Many are expelled and so can no longer attend. On the other hand, maybe parents realize that their children are joining gangs and opt to pull them out of school and make them work in order to keep them away from the bad environment they are in.

B. María María lived in the outskirts of Zimapán, Hidalgo with her mother, brothers, and aunts. Her father had immigrated to the United States and only returned to visit two or three times a year. She, like Alfonso, described her childhood as a typical one for children in Mexico. She spoke of how much she enjoyed playtime with her brothers, and that often they built small houses with mud, rocks, sticks, or anything they could find. A lot of family members lived nearby, and they often gathered for celebrations and town fairs. 187

Similar to Alfonso, María also helped her family with seasonal crops and livestock. In addition, María had to assist with household chores, such as gathering firewood, going to fetch water, washing dirty diapers, and helping her mom around the house. She attended school in the morning and helped her mother after school. María shared her memories of the elementary school: Iba a una escuela grande porque había unos quince salones. Yo empecé primer año con una maestra. En segundo año me quedé con la misma. Tercer año pasé a otra, cuarto año a otra. Después de allí nos empezaron a enseñar por materias y nos pasaban con un maestro a otro. Había como 12 niños en cada salón. La primaria fue fácil, porque más que nada nos enseñaron a escribir, a hacer el abecedario, los números, a escribir oraciones, las tablas, a sumar, a restar, cosas así. A esa edad sí me gustaba. I attended a big school since it had 15 classrooms. I started first grade with one teacher and had this same teacher in second grade. In third grade I had another one, and another one for fourth grade. After that, they began to teach us by subject and we transitioned from one teacher to another. There were 12 students in each classroom. Elementary was easy because we only learned to write, the alphabet, numbers, sentences, multiplication tables, addition, subtraction, and things like that. At that age, I liked school.

María described a structured educational setting with strict rules about behavior and dress code, and one that allowed corporal punishment. Exams were given at the end of the year which determined academic progress into the next grade. María completed the sixth grade in Zimapán. This was her last year of schooling in Mexico since her family decided to migrate to the United States at the end of this school year. María arrived in Texas a few weeks before the school year began at Central Texas ISD. Her family shared a small one-bedroom apartment. Although she remembered

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being enthusiastic about the more modern amenities available in her new home, she also explained how she initially felt confined or penned up in her living environment: Llegué a los EEUU en agosto 2000 a la edad de 12 años. Era difícil estar encerrada en el apartamento toda la tarde después de llegar de la escuela. Los fines de semana mi papá nos sacaba a pasear, al parque, a las tiendas…pero toda la semana pasabas en el apartamento. Los primeros meses le decía a mi mamá, “¡Vámonos para México!” Ella me decía que tuviera paciencia, que todo ya después iba a ser mejor poco a poquito…y que ya estábamos aquí, que continuáramos nuestra vida. Y pues…mi mamá no tenía una vida en México muy bonita que digamos, por eso mi mamá no tampoco quería regresar. Un mes después me fui acostumbrando, asistía a la escuela, mi papá nos sacaba, nos llevaba a los parques, a lugares que él conocía y me fui dando cuenta que la vida de aquí no era tan fea como yo pensaba. I arrived in the U.S. in August 2000 at the age of 12. It was very hard for me to be inside the apartment all afternoon when I arrived from school. During the weekend, my father used to take us out for a walk or a drive, to the park, to the stores…but we’d spend the entire week inside the apartment. The first few months, I used to say to my mother, “Let’s go back to Mexico!” She’d tell me to be patient, that all would get better little by little…that we were already here and had to move forward with our lives. Besides…my mother didn’t have what we’d call a nice life in Mexico, so she didn’t want to go back either. One month later, I began to get used to it; I went to school, my father took us out to parks, or to places he knew, and I began to realize that life here was not as bad as I thought. Maria’s first impressions of her middle school in Central Texas were of a large school building with more staff members than she experienced in her schools in Mexico. Her parents had searched for a school, gathered the required paperwork, and enrolled her at Portage Middle School. She recalled having to pass several admission placement exams in Spanish before she was allowed to enroll in the seventh grade. She shared her feelings about transitioning to a U.S. school and about her first day of class: El primer día de clases me sentía como el patito feo. Me dieron mi schedule…y no sabía dónde quedaba mi primer salón, no sabía a qué hora iba a salir a comer o a qué horas iba a salir a mi casa. Lo más difícil fue el idioma. Me hablaban y 189

yo no sabía lo que me estaban diciendo, eso fue lo peor que yo pasé. Me sentía…como hecha a un lado. Poco a poco, conocí a personas diferentes, amigos diferentes, a niños como yo, que apenas venían llegando y no sabían el idioma, que estaban también asustados. Entre nosotros nos fuimos ayudando. Hacíamos como una bolita de los que apenas llegaron de México y nos ayudábamos, en lo que no entendiéramos, con las tareas. On the first day, I felt like the ugly duckling. They gave me my schedule…and I didn’t know where my first class was; I didn’t know when lunch time was, or dismissal time. The most difficult was the language. They’d speak to me and I didn’t understand what they were saying. This was the worst that I experienced. I felt…like I was cast aside. Little by little I met different people, different friends, kids like me who had recently arrived and did not know the language. They were scared, too. We began to help each other; we formed a group of recent arrivals from Mexico and helped each other with whatever we did not understand or with homework. The first month of school was the most difficult. María often cried on the way to school and begged her parents to let her stay home. She felt sheltered by her ESL classes; the help her teachers provided made her feel more secure about her academic skills. She did not remember taking any state tests in middle school. María did not consider participating in any extracurricular activities since her father implemented rigid curfews and required her to be home as soon as the school day ended. Although she did not recall receiving additional support or meeting with the school counselor, she talked about being part of the Gear Up program and attending a few of their activities. At this age, María was interested in a future career in law, a profession that according to her would be of great service to the immigrant community. María described her experience at Portage Middle School as generally positive, but said she was the only participant person to voice incidents of bullying at the middle school level. As she recalled: 190

Pues había niños que te hacían a un lado porque venías de México, no sabías el idioma, o a veces los muchachos te trataban mal porque te decían algo y tú no entendías. Nos decían, “¡Váyanse para México, mojados!” pero los mojados eran ellos porque Texas fue parte de México…y ellos son los que migraron aquí. Well, there were kids who would cast you aside because you came from Mexico and didn’t know the language. Sometimes they would harass you if they said something you didn’t understand. They would tell us, “Go back to Mexico, Wetbacks!” But they were the wetbacks since Texas was once part of Mexico…they were the ones who migrated here. Despite these negative incidents, she emphasized that her years at Portage Middle School had been enjoyable: Mi experiencia en Portage fue buena porque conocí a personas nuevas, a maestros nuevos…un idioma nuevo, cosas que yo no sabía que existían como la computadora. Empecé a usarla, empecé a abrirme un poquito más. A esa edad sí me gustaba la escuela, yo tenía ganas de aprender lo que no aprendí en México…le eché muchas ganas. My experience at Portage was a good one because I met new people, new teachers… learned a new language, learned about things I didn’t even know existed like the computer. I started to use it and grew as a person. At that age, I did like school, and I had the motivation to learn what I didn’t learn in Mexico…and I put great effort into it. The following school year, María enrolled at Oakland HS in Central Texas ISD. She was happy to attend this school because most of her friends were also students there. Her home life remained the same. She lived in a small apartment with her parents, brothers, several aunts and uncles. At the time, her primary responsibility was to attend school and complete homework. She spent the week at school or at home. During the weekends, the family took day trips to visit neighboring cities in Central Texas. Maria’s description of her first day of high school seems typical. She arrived, looked for her friends from middle school, compared schedules with them, and made plans to eat lunch 191

together. She said she felt a bit insecure in the new environment and anxious about meeting new teachers and peers. María also doubted that she was academically ready for high school and worried about not being able to manage ninth-grade-level standards or exams. She was especially worried about her language skills. According to María, teachers at Oakland HS were primarily open to helping students. María only mentioned having difficulties with one teacher. After this teacher threatened to fail her, María refused to complete any work for his class. She reported no problems with homework since her older brother often helped her finish it. Although María enjoyed school, passed all her classes, and her English skills improved little by little, she reported failing all but the TAKS test in history. As she explained: Yo pienso que no los pasé porque yo no ponía suficiente atención. Lo tomaba como otra cosa más, no lo tomaba en serio. Los maestros me decían que tenía que tomar tutorías después de escuela. (I think that I didn’t pass these because I didn’t pay enough attention. I saw it as one more thing; I didn’t take it seriously. Teachers used to tell me that I had to attend after-school tutorials.) In high school, even though María felt she still needed help, she no longer received instructional support from the ESL program; however, GEAR UP still provided services. In the eleventh grade, María considered not returning to school; consequently, her father requested a meeting with the school’s counselor, who called her into his office and persuaded her to continue. She stayed, enrolled in a credit recovery course, and was able to gain her mathematics credit for that year. María focused on the future and on her desire to go to college in order to become a lawyer. She shared her goals and her parents’ encouragement: 192

Tenía metas de tener mi carrera en leyes, tener mi propia casa, mi propio carro, mi propia familia. Mis papás me animaban a que no dejara la escuela. Me decían que yo tenía que echarles ganas, tenía que aprovechar la oportunidad que ellos no tuvieron. I had goals of having a career in law, my own house, my own car, my own family. My parents used to encourage me not to leave school. They used to tell me that I had to put forth the effort; I had to take advantage of the opportunity that they didn’t have. Oakland HS hosted various college representatives who provided information sessions for students and their parents. These sessions were sometimes available in Spanish, or simultaneous interpretation was provided via audio for Spanish-speaking parents. College recruiters offered information about admissions requirements, financial aid, and student loans. Based on our conversation, I was aware that María believed her parents, as cosigners, would be responsible for paying her student loans. As such, she did not feel this was a good option for her family. Although María admitted to skipping class frequently, the school’s administrative team never disciplined her. Unlike her experience in middle school, María was not bullied at Oakland HS for being a student from Mexico. She had a small group of friends and did not feel threatened by any group or gangs. Gang-related fights were rare, and members only confronted students who had in some way harassed them. Maria’s father had very strict rules and, as in middle school, did not allow her to participate in extracurricular activities. In eleventh grade, María decided to work at a nearby restaurant during the weekends. Three months before completing the twelfth grade, María stopped attending school and left home. She explained how these decisions changed her life: 193

Pienso yo que me salí de la escuela y me fui de la casa por el trato que mi papá me daba. No me dejaba hacer nada y yo quería libertad y tranquilidad. Mi novio, que es mi esposo ahorita, fue por mí a la casa y nos mudamos a vivir a la casa de su mamá. Sí, pensé volver a la escuela pero si seguía en la escuela sabía que mi papá me iba a estar buscando. De hecho él llamó a la policía, y eso me dio mucho miedo. Una amiga trató de convencerme que regresara a la escuela pero después de que pasó una semana ella misma me avisó que mi papá había ido a la escuela, que había ido a darme de baja, y simplemente ya no estaba inscrita en la escuela. Y después no tenía planes, no sabía lo que iba a pasar conmigo, qué iba a ser de mí. Quería formar mi familia, estar bien, y algún día volver a ver a mis papás. Mi vida fue feliz porque vivía con mi esposo. Mi suegra era muy linda conmigo y si yo necesitaba algo ella me ayudaba o nos prestaba dinero, nos orientaba. Mi rutina diaria era de levantarme, hacerle el lonche a mi esposo, hacer la comida del medio día, y esperar que llegara en la tarde. Y después empecé a trabajar. Pero…pensaba que algún día iba poder terminar mis estudios…es lo que estoy haciendo ahora. Me sentí mal de dejar la escuela. Siento que desperdicié una oportunidad valiosa y parte de mi tiempo…ahorita pudiera estar haciendo otra cosa. I think that I left school and my home because of how my father treated me. He did not allow me to do anything, and I wanted freedom and peace. My boyfriend, who is now my husband, came to the house to get me, and we moved into his mother’s house. Yes, I thought I would return to school; but if I did, I knew that my father would be looking for me. He actually called the police, and I felt very scared. A friend tried to convince me to return, but after a week she called to tell me that my father had gone to school to withdraw me. I simply was no longer enrolled in school. After that, I didn’t have plans. I didn’t know what was going to happen to me, what would become of me. I wanted to form a family, do well, and one day to see my parents again. I had a happy life because I lived with my husband, and my mother in law was very sweet to me. If I needed something, she would help me; she would let us borrow money; she would guide us. My routine was to wake up, pack lunch for my husband, make a mid-day meal, and wait for him to return in the evening. Later, I started to work. But…I thought that I would one day be able to finish school…which is what I am doing now. I felt bad about leaving school. I feel that I wasted a valuable 194

opportunity and some of my time…I could be doing something else right now.

María spoke positively about her educational experience at this school. She did not feel that immigration had a negative effect on her education. According to María, the curriculum she encountered in U.S. schools surpassed what she would have had in Mexico, both at the middle and high school levels, and thus enriched her educational experience. Finally, María shared her ideas on why she thought Mexican immigrant youth sometimes do not complete high school: Muchos no terminan porque no tienen suficiente apoyo de sus familias y llegan aquí solos. Lo único que ellos piensan es en trabajar y tener dinero para mantenerse o ayudar a sus familias. (Many do not finish because they don’t have enough support from their families, and they arrive here alone. The only thing they focus on is working and making money in order to provide for themselves or to help their families.)

C. Bella Bella lived in Pénjamo, Guanajuato until age 12. She described Pénjamo as a very small town where everyone knew each other well. She shared the details of her very humble childhood, also stating that she was very timid and had few friends. Bella lived with her mother and siblings and often tended to her baby brother while her mother worked outside the home. Bella’s father lived in the United States and only visited the family once or twice a year. Her mother later joined him, leaving the children with their grandmother. As per Bella, life with grandma was easier, and Bella’s only responsibility 195

was school. She did not have to worry about household chores. Bella attended a small elementary school, recalling a mixture of difficult and happy experiences: Sí me gustaba la escuela. Me gustaban mis amigos, me gustaba la maestra, no sé, era como un escape de mi casa, casi no me gustaba estar en mi casa. Y no me gustaba estar en la casa porque, pues, era niña y obviamente que quieres jugar, y muchas veces me daban muchos quehaceres: cocinar, limpiar, lavar, cuidar a mi hermanito. Pero sí recuerdo que una vez una maestra me golpe, y yo le dije a mi mamá. Mi mamá se molestó, fue y habló con el director. Me cambiaron de salón. Yes, I liked school. I liked my friends; I liked the teacher. I don’t know, it was an escape from my home life since I really didn’t like being at home. I didn’t like it because I was a child, and obviously I wanted to play, but I had too many chores: cook, clean, wash, take care of my brother. But I do remember that a teacher once hit me, and I told my mother. My mom was upset and went to speak to the principal. They moved me to another class. Bella completed the sixth grade, but did not attend the graduation ceremony before immigrating to the United States to reunite with her parents. Without official documents verifying her completion, the school system in Texas decided to place her in the fifth grade. Bella’s regular attendance at school was impacted by her parents’ volatile relationship. According to how her parents’ relationship changed, she found herself periodically migrating back and forth from Texas to the Mexican state of Guanajuato. Sometimes her parents enrolled her in school, but on other occasions her parents opted not to register her. The ambiguity of settling in the United States or staying in Mexico, as well as the multiple migrations Bella experienced before age 15, caused her to feel frustrated, angry, and conflicted. She shared her mixed emotions, as well as her experience at her first school, an elementary school, in Central Texas: Cuando llegué me bajaron un grado por no saber inglés. Y como mis papás no traían ningún papel de la escuela de México me pusieron en quinto grado. Al 196

principio no me gustaba, odiaba la escuela por completo. No conocía a nadie, no hablaba el idioma, no sabía ni una palabra en inglés. Me pusieron con una maestra que hablaba español, y ella fue la que me enseñó a leer. Bueno, me enseñó mis primeras palabras en inglés. También me gustaba su clase, la clase de música y arte, porque fue totalmente diferente. Para empezar en México yo no tuve ninguna clase de música, no teníamos eso. Y aquí empecé a tocar la flauta y quería de hecho aprender a tocar el violín, que nunca lo hice. En matemáticas yo estaba un poquito más avanzada, pero con el inglés batallé mucho. Solo estuve seis meses en Texas y regresé a México. En México, fui a la misma escuela pero no me quisieron valer el sexto grado porque no tenía mi certificado. Me dijeron, “pues quédate un semestre y al final del semestre te damos tu certificado”. No sé porque, pero también en México te tratan con racismo porque vienes de acá. No terminé el semestre porque regresamos para EEUU porque mis papás se contentaron. Y entonces nos venimos otra vez y perdí mucho tiempo. When I arrived, they placed me in a lower grade because I didn’t know English. And since my parents did not provide any official documentation from the school in Mexico, they put me in the fifth grade. At first, I didn’t like school; I completely hated school. I didn’t know anyone; I didn’t speak the language; I didn’t know one word of English. They placed me with a teacher who spoke Spanish, and she was the one who taught me to read. So, she taught me my first words in English. I liked her class, music and art class, because it was totally different. First of all, I didn’t have any music classes in Mexico; we didn’t have anything like that. Here, I started playing the flute and wanted to learn to play the violin, but I never did. In math, I was a bit more advanced, but struggled a lot with the English language. I was only in Texas for six months and returned to Mexico. In Mexico, I went to the same school, but they didn’t want to give me credit for sixth grade because I didn’t have my certificate from sixth grade. They told me, “Stay one semester and at the end we will give you your certificate.” I don’t know why, but even in Mexico you can be treated with racism because you come from the U.S. I didn’t finish the semester since we returned to the U.S. once my parents reconciled. And so we moved again, and I lost a lot of time. Because of these migrations, Bella ended up attending middle school and high school in both the United States and Mexico. 197

Upon her return, Maple Middle School at Central Texas ISD opted to enroll Bella in the eighth grade based on her age; consequently, she never attended the seventh grade. Bella had a difficult time adjusting to life in Central Texas and even mentioned hating life in the United States at this time. She struggled with classes and the English language. Her home environment often impacted school and even her attitude toward friends. As she expressed, No estaba nerviosa, estaba ya tan como acostumbrada de que me cambiaban de una escuela a otra que me dio igual, y no tenía ganas de hacer amigos porque sabía que me iba a salir tarde o temprano. (I wasn’t nervous. I was so used to being moved from one school to another that I really didn’t care. I didn’t feel like making friends because I knew that I would leave school sooner or later.) Bella was placed in the ESL program and there received individualized instruction. In spite of her struggles, she regarded her experience at Maple Middle School as generally positive. She did not take any state tests, nor did she receive any additional support services at school. Bella was not interested in participating in extracurricular activities. She had extensive responsibilities at home and, as such, had little time to engage even in school activities. She had a good rapport with peers, however, and had no memory of being bullied at this school. At the time, Bella’s future career goals included law or fashion design. She described her overall experience as follows: Fue una experiencia buena porque hice amigos que todavía tengo, me ayudó con el inglés, y en muchas cosas, en otras materias. (It was a good experience because I made friends that I still have today; it helped me with the English language, and in many other ways, in other subjects. Bella’s last trip back to Mexico happened unexpectedly while she was enrolled in 198

the eighth grade at Maple Middle School. As she explained: Cuando por fin me estaba acostumbrando aquí, ya estaba conociendo más gente, el inglés ya estaba un poquito mejor, tenía buenas calificaciones, de repente mi papá decidió llevarnos a México. No quería que viviéramos con él y su pareja nueva. Estaba enojada con mi papá cuando nos llevó porque yo ya quería terminar, yo quería seguir estudiando aquí. Y no se me hizo justo que él tomara la decisión sin ni siquiera preguntarnos o pensar en nuestro futuro. Fue difícil acostumbrarme otra vez a México porque no sabíamos qué íbamos a hacer, ni si íbamos a poder regresar. Nadie, ni mi mamá, sabía que nosotros estábamos en México hasta que pudimos comunicarnos con ella. Mi mamá se enojó mucho y nos dijo que no nos preocupáramos, que ella iba a ir por nosotros, pero tardó como un año. Y después fue difícil volvernos a venir. When I was finally getting used to living here, I was meeting more people, my English was a little better, I had good grades, my father suddenly decided to take us back to Mexico. He did not want us to live with him and his new partner. I was very upset with my dad because I wanted to finish school. I wanted to continue school here. And I didn’t feel it was fair for him to make this decision without asking us or taking our future into account. It was difficult for me to get used to Mexico again, because we didn’t know what we were going to do, or if we would be able to return. No one, not even my mother, knew that we were in Mexico until we were able to call her. She got very upset and told us not to worry; she was going to come and get us, but it took her about a year. And then, it was difficult for us to return.

During these first difficult weeks of adjusting to life in Mexico again, Bella and her sister stayed home, did chores, and visited the local community center in the afternoons. They did not know how long they would have to wait for their mother to send money as promised or to get them back into the United States. In the meantime, Bella and her sister decided to enroll in night classes at the nearby middle school and find jobs. Bella hated asking others for help, so she wanted to be as self sufficient and independent as possible. Prior to attending class each night, Bella worked at a local yogurt shop. She 199

felt she needed to secure her own living expenses while her mother remained in the United States and only provided sporadic financial help. The girls enrolled in classes because they felt it was important to prepare for an adult life in Mexico. They needed a certificate of completion from middle school in order to enroll in any vocational program. Night classes at the neighborhood middle school were called secundaria abierta, and, since they were free, provided the only educational option for them. Additionally, the teens did not have to pay for a uniform or books. Bella described night classes as a fastpaced middle school in which she primarily worked independently to complete the material. She felt coursework and exams were easy because they were in her native language and felt comfortable in this instructional setting. Bella and her sister joined a youth music group as their lives settled into a routine. They learned how to play guitar and preformed at the town’s festivals. Bella shared good memories of these months in Mexico: Fue una experiencia buena porque me ayudó tanto. No me ayudó tanto en el sentido de que cuando regresé aquí no me lo tomaron en cuenta ese estudio tampoco, pero por lo menos seguí estudiando. Y también me sirvió para darme cuenta que podía hacer muchas cosas sola, podía valerme por mi misma. It was a good experience because it helped me a lot. It didn’t help me in the sense that I still didn’t get credit for it when I returned, but I at least kept studying. And it also helped me realize that I could do a lot of things on my own; I could fend for myself. Bella returned to the United States after a year in Mexico without completing her middle school certificate. She explained how she felt about returning: Siento que fue la mejor decisión. Ahora pienso eso, pero en ese momento, ya habíamos estado tanto tiempo ahí y ya no quería regresar. Sentía que ya tenía una vida, no quería otro cambio. Pero aquí estaba mi familia, mi hermana y yo 200

estábamos solas allá…así que no me importaba tanto si terminaba la secundaria o no. I feel that it was the best decision. Now I think that, but at that moment we had been there for so long that I didn’t want to come back. I felt that I already had a life; I didn’t want another change. But my family was here; my sister and I were alone there …so it really didn’t matter if I finished middle school or not. She reunited with her mother and siblings in Central Texas. She had to adapt to a new home life with her stepfather; consequently, this period of time was full of changes. Bella described how tense and awkward her home life was as the children had to conform to the expectations and demands put in place by their stepfather. Bella’s familial responsibilities also changed. She no longer had to tend to her father’s or brother’s needs. She was only responsible for herself. Soon after returning from Mexico, she enrolled at Burdick High School, a part of Central Texas ISD. As she recalls: Sí tenía ganas, estaba emocionada de ir a la escuela otra vez, pero cuando llegamos, mi inglés no era muy bueno. Lo entendía muy poco y la escuela era mucho más grande que las otras que había ido. Había mucha gente, me sentí un poquito intimidada. Mi primer día me dieron clases normales en inglés. No me dieron clases de ESL hasta que vieron que no entendía mucho y me cambiaron a clases de ESL, y ahí fue cuando ya conocí a muchos mexicanos o amigos que hablaban español. Yes, I wanted to go to school again. I was excited. But when we arrived, my English was not very good. I understood very little, and this school was a lot bigger than the schools I attended before. There were a lot of people; I felt a bit intimidated. On the first day they gave me regular classes in English. They didn’t give me ESL classes until they noticed that I didn’t understand much and changed me to ESL classes. That’s where I met a lot of Mexicans and friends who spoke Spanish. 201

Bella was happy to enroll at Burdick HS and felt comfortable for a variety of reasons. Her older brother had attended this school, many teens and school staff were Latinos who spoke Spanish, and, aside from her English skills, she felt well prepared for high school in Texas. She had previously attended a middle school in the United States and knew what to expect. According to Bella, teachers at Burdick HS ranged from helpful to detached. She did recall a few teachers who provided individualized instruction. She completed homework on her own or with the help of friends. She received support from the ESL program, and Bella slowly gained more confidence in her English language skills. During the first year at Burdick HS, Bella attended class every day, sought help during tutoring hours, and had good grades. She participated in the school’s soccer team until tenth grade when excessive absences prevented her from attending practice or competitions. She did not recall whether she took the TAKS test or not. By tenth grade, however, school was more difficult. As Bella explained: El primer año no tuve ningún problema. Nunca llegaba tarde, no faltaba…solamente faltaba cuando en verdad estaba enferma o cosas así. Pero el segundo año me puse un poco más rebelde. Mi hermana dejó la escuela y empecé a juntarme con sus mismos amigos y a faltar. También empecé a pelearme. Cuando escuchaba que me decían algo racista, yo les contestaba. Y hubo una vez que ni siquiera me lo estaban diciendo a mí, pero estaban diciéndole a otra muchacha que no hablaba inglés. Le decían “mojada “ y me dio coraje y le reclamé, le dije “¿por qué no se lo dices a alguien que te entiende?” Y nos empezamos a pelear, y me suspendieron de la escuela. During the first year, I didn’t have any problems. I was never late or missed class…I only missed when I was truly sick or anything like that. But during the second year, I became a bit more rebellious. My sister left school and I started hanging out with her friends and started missing class. I also began to fight. If I heard someone telling me something racist, I would respond. One time, they were not even speaking to me; they were speaking to another girl who did not speak English. They were calling her “wetback,” and I got mad. I confronted them and 202

said, “Why don’t you say that to someone who understands you?” And we started to fight, and they suspended me from school. Bella spoke openly about the tension that was constantly present at Burdick HS. She felt harassed by students, whom she labeled “racists,” and pointed out the distinctions that were often made by several administrators. According to Bella, African American students at this school received preferential treatment. Bullying was sporadic, but occurred enough not to ignore. Several organized gangs walked the halls of Burdick HS, but Bella did not feel threatened by these groups. She was not part of a gang, but a few gang members were her friends and often protected her from bullies. Having a job also added stress to Bella’s daily routine. Since she wanted to help out at home, as well as provide for herself, she chose to take on a part-time job after school. This new responsibility made it more difficult for Bella to be on time and attend classes regularly. She recalled enjoying school in general, but explained a change in attitude after working: Al principio sí me gustó, cuando no tenía que trabajar sí estudiaba mucho, quería aprender inglés. Después empecé a trabajar y me gustó más el dinero. Mi papá nunca nos daba el dinero de la manutención que nos tenía que dar, y me daba coraje tener que depender en él. Y cuando ya yo ganaba dinero, ya no tenía que pedirle dinero a nadie. At the beginning, before I had to work, I did enjoy it and studied a lot. I wanted to learn English. After I started working, I liked money more. My father never gave us the child support money that was required of him, and having to depend on him made me angry. So when I made my own money, I no longer had to ask anyone for money. School staff noticed a change in Bella and referred her to the school’s counselor. This person met with Bella twice a week for a semester. Although Bella understands why the school felt that she needed counseling, she did not feel that the sessions helped. She 203

remembered feeling guarded and did not want to share her personal life with school staff. She admitted to lying and concealing specific facts about her life, fearing that this information would harm her in some way. As for her career aspirations, they did not change. She still hoped to one day become a fashion designer or a lawyer. The school did not provide college information for tenth graders or their parents, but a teacher encouraged Bella to attend college. As she stated, La maestra de álgebra nos motivaba mucho a que siguiéramos a la universidad y ella ayudaba mucho a los inmigrantes. (The algebra teacher would encourage us to continue on to college, and she helped immigrants a lot.) Bella finished the tenth grade, but was not promoted to the next grade because of too many absences. She was required to repeat the tenth grade. This was not only discouraging, but humiliating. Multiple factors contributed to her decision not to return to school. As Bella recalled: Tomé la decisión de no regresar por el trabajo. Salía tardísimo, y no me despertaba para la escuela, o a veces nada más iba como a los últimos periodos. Llego el día que no sabía ni en qué lección estaban, no sabía nada de lo que estaban hablando en la clase, y me desanimó. Decidí dejar la escuela y trabajar. También en ese entonces tenía problemas con mi mamá, me corrió de la casa. Así que tuve que trabajar aún con más razón y mantenerme yo. I made the decision to leave school because of work. I used to get out really late, and I didn’t wake up on time to go to school. Sometimes, I only made it to the last periods. The day came when I didn’t even know what lesson they were on; I didn’t know anything they were discussing in class, and this discouraged me. I decided to leave school and work. During this time, I was also having problems with my mother; she kicked me out of the house. So I had even more reason to work and take care of myself.

Bella left home and moved in with her sister. Her older siblings and boyfriend tried to 204

convince her to return to school, but she had made her decision. School personnel did not call or investigate why she did not return. Soon afterwards, a group of girlfriends encouraged Bella to enroll in GED classes, but she opted to focus on work and on managing the new responsibilities of living on her own. In spite of a troubled relationship with her mother, Bella did provide a monthly stipend for her. Looking back, Bella shared her regrets about leaving school: Todavía me siento mal. Siento como si nada más perdí el tiempo. Lo desaproveché. En ese momento cuando yo tomé la decisión de no seguir en la escuela sí hubo personas que me dijeron “te vas a arrepentir, ahorita no lo ves, pero con el tiempo te vas a arrepentir,” y no les hice caso. I still feel bad. I feel like I only wasted time. I missed out. At that moment, when I made the decision not to continue in school, there were people who told me, “You’re going to regret it; you don’t see it now, but with time you’ll regret it,” but I didn’t listen. Aside from the regret, Bella had mostly positive memories of her educational experience at Burdick HS:

Fue buena, aprendí muchas cosas, mucho de la cultura de Estados Unidos. Y un poco mala porque también tuve malas experiencias como con eso del racismo y la discriminación, pero mayor parte buena. It was a good experience. I learned a lot, a lot about the U.S. culture. And somewhat negative too, because I also had bad experiences, such as with racism and discrimination. For the most part though, it was a good experience.

Bella is the only participant who saw that there could be a negative impact of migration on her education, stating: Sí, porque automáticamente cuando eres inmigrante piensas que puedes llegar nada más hasta la high school. Es lo más que puedes estudiar por lo mismo de tu situación migratoria. (Yes, because when you are an immigrant, you 205

automatically think that you can only complete high school. It’s the most you can study because of your immigrant status.) Bella provided several reasons why she thought Mexican immigrant youth leave school before graduating: Depende en la situación en la que estén. Muchos que pueden no quieren seguir estudiando y muchos que sí quieren, no pueden…tienen que trabajar, tienen que mantener a su familia. (It depends on their situation. Many who are able to study, don’t want to, and those who want to, can’t…they have to work; they have to support their families.) Once again, these results will be further discussed in chapter five. It is safe to conclude, however, that although they voiced a few similarities, the elementary and secondary educational experiences of these participants vary significantly. Their narratives are powerful and provide an insightful view of what this group endured in Mexico, how they transitioned into U.S. schools, and how they navigated the public school system in Central Texas.

IV. Immigration Story, Negotiating Spaces, Identity, and Cultural Citizenship This section reveals more details of the participants’ migration stories and documents their sentiments about this transition. Furthermore, it explores the ways in which this small group of young adults is creating a life for themselves in the United States. The individuals discussed their identities and how they are negotiating a binational reality. They also commented on the current migration debate, as well as on how they were building a future in this country. The participants provided critical reflections on government policies and practices and shared their ideas about feasible solutions. Essentially, their insights revealed how they were asserting their cultural 206

citizenship. Alfonso, María, and Bella grew up in Mexico with an understanding that men often had to migrate to the United States to find work in order to provide for their families. Remittances were necessary and often secured the livelihood of spouses, children, and even aging grandparents. Each one mentioned a list of family members who migrated. These often included grandfathers, fathers, uncles, and brothers. Migration was the logical and reasonable thing to do. Family separation was simply the regular outcome of migration. All three participants had experienced separations from their fathers for extended periods of time. Bella was the only one who also spent a few years without her mother. Often the decision to migrate occurred rapidly, even if it had been under consideration for years. Alfonso’s mother decided to immigrate when another family member finalized plans to move to the United States. She gave Alfonso a two-week notice and did not reconsider her decision. Alfonso shared how he felt about this moment in his life: Sentía alegría de que iba a mirar a mis hermanos y la familia. No sé, es algo que sientes por dentro como alegría que no puedes explicar. (I felt happy that I was going to see my brothers and the family. I don’t know; it’s something that you feel inside like happiness that you can’t explain.) Maria’s family waited a long time to reunite with their father; but as soon as the federal agencies approved the required paperwork, the family promptly immigrated. She too felt happy, explaining that: Me sentía feliz porque se iban a acabar tantos problemas que nosotros teníamos en México. (I felt happy because so many problems that we had in Mexico were going to end.) As noted earlier, Bella’s immigration story is different. She 207

immigrated to the United States both as a child and as an adolescent. During her childhood she only stayed for six months. This immigration came after her parents had saved enough money and found a stable home for their children. She remembered this period vaguely; instead, she chose to discuss her feelings about the second, permanent migration to the United States: Sí me quería regresar, obviamente porque en México estábamos solas, era nada más mi hermana y yo. (Yes I wanted to come back, obviously because we were alone in Mexico. It was only my sister and me.) Aside from adjusting to a new country, neighborhood, and school, Alfonso, María, and Bella had to adapt to a redefined family structure and expectations. Alfonso was monitored and disciplined more than before because he now lived with his older brothers. Because he had great respect for his brothers and did not want to disappoint them, he refrained from activities that he often did in Mexico. Alfonso’s mother, who felt uneasy with the strange surroundings, implemented strict rules, such as requiring Alfonso to ask permission for every outing. Additionally, his parents expected him to learn English quickly and to do well in school. Alfonso specifically commented on the fast pace of life in this country and on how the clock dictates every step and seems to consume life. María recalled that immigration had a positive effect on her mother, who seemed happier. Since the family was together again, her mom no longer had sole responsibility for the children. María did have to adjust to living with her father again, and this proved a difficult transition for her. He had strict rules and controlled her every move. Since life in the United States required that both parents gain employment, there was less time to 208

pay attention to the children’s homework, even if the parents still remained very involved in their education. María, for example, was expected to go to college and pursue a career. In Mexico, this was an unlikely expectation since few teens have access to higher education. According to María, access to higher education in Mexico is gained through informal means, such as buying a slot at the university, or creating false documents for admission. María, who is now married and has created her own family, commented that her marriage has meant adjusting to a space that is often threatened by state and federal policies. Her concern is based on the federal government’s stance against undocumented migration. She intimated that she has had to negotiate multiple realities for her family, stating that: Lo más difícil es cuando uno llega aquí sin papeles. Como el ejemplo de mi esposo, que él no tiene papeles y nosotros sí, eso es lo más difícil para mi familia ahora. El gobierno no reconoce que no están haciendo ningún mal, al contrario les están haciendo bien. Ellos piensan que están haciendo un mal al venir de México ilegalmente. The hardest is when one comes without papers; for example, my husband. He doesn’t have any papers and we do; that’s been the hardest on my family right now. The government doesn’t recognize that you aren’t doing anything wrong; you’re actually doing good. They think that you’re doing a bad thing by coming illegally from Mexico. Bella’s quality of life in the United States depended on her parents’ marriage. By the time of her second migration, her parents had divorced and were living separate lives. Bella had to manage life with a stepfather, as well as life with a father who often failed to provide for his children. When I met her, she was not speaking to her father, wanted little interaction with her stepfather, and was primarily focused on herself. She stated that she 209

became more independent as she grew older and created expectations for herself. She shared Alfonso’s reflection of the difficult, fast-paced schedule that families must endure in the United States, and she spoke about how this new rhythm affected family unity, explaining: Lo más difícil es mantenerse unidos porque la vida aquí es más rápida. Tienes que trabajar, a veces tienes varios trabajos, tienes que pagar cosas, tienes que hacer mucho. Y, a veces, haces a tu familia a un lado. (The most difficult thing is to maintain a sense of unity because life is so much faster here. You have to work, sometimes several jobs; you have to make payments; you have to do a lot. And, sometimes, you set your family aside.) Despite the difficult transitions and challenges that Alfonso, María, and Bella experienced because of immigration, at the time of our interview each felt that their families had made the right decision. They are now young adults and are beginning to negotiate and come to terms with their migration experience, as well as the new environment that has shaped their lives during the last eight to ten years. They expressed the following: El día de hoy, yo creo que fue una de las mejores decisiones, porque no hubiera aprendido inglés, y a lo mejor me sentiría un burro. Creo que como a los 16 o 17 años yo hubiera tomado la misma decisión para venir a trabajar. Today, I think that it was one of the best decisions since I wouldn’t have learned English; I would have felt like a dummy. I think that at 16 or 17, I would have made the same decision and come to work. –Alfonso Fue buena decisión porque éste es un país con muchas oportunidades de salir adelante, de tener una carrera, de tener una familia, de estar mejor económicamente. En México, no hay mucho trabajo y te pagan muy poquito a la semana, no ganas lo mismo que aquí. 210

It was a good decision because this is a country with a lot of opportunities to succeed, have a career, a family, and be better off financially. In Mexico, there aren’t a lot of jobs, and you get paid very little each week; you don’t earn what you do here. –María Sí, fue lo mejor porque ahora soy independiente. Tal vez en México me hubiese casado y dependería de mi marido como muchas de mis amigas lo hacen. En ese momento yo no entendía pero aquí estamos bien. No me hubiese gustado quedarme en México porque no hubiera tenido tantas oportunidades, no tendría lo que tengo ahorita. Yes, it was for the best because I am now independent. Perhaps in Mexico, I would have married and been dependent on my husband, like many of my girlfriends are. At the time I didn’t understand, but we are fine here. I would not have liked staying in Mexico because I wouldn’t have had so many opportunities; I wouldn’t have what I have today. –Bella Alfonso, María, and Bella have lived in the United States for many years now, but they continue to feel very connected to Mexico; they feel Mexican. As the interview continued, I asked them to define their identity, as well as to describe what they felt about the United States. Their narratives gave rise to a mixture of emotions: Soy mestizo. No me da pena decir “soy mestizo”. Ni modo que diga que soy anglosajón o que soy español, no. Soy mexicano, no me gusta negar de dónde soy aunque ahorita haya una situación pésima por el narcotráfico. Creo que es mi país y no tengo por qué negarlo. Siento agradecimiento hacia EEUU y orgullo de vivir aquí porque cambió mi vida y pues me siento a gusto aquí. A veces siento que EEUU es mi casa porque aquí vivo y no tengo pensamientos de regresarme a México. Pero en forma no, por tantas deportaciones, por cualquier cosa te echan para México. Si te deportan ya no puedes venir a los Estados Unidos. Creo que eso es algo que me dolería más que cualquier otra cosa, no poder venir ya para acá. I’m Mestizo. I‘m not ashamed to say, “I am Mestizo.” It’s not like I’m going to say that I’m Anglo-Saxon or Spanish. No, I am Mexican. I don’t like to deny where I’m from, even if there is currently an awful situation there due to drug trafficking. Mexico is my country, and I have no reason to deny it. I feel gratitude towards the United States and pride to live here, because it 211

changed my life; and, I feel comfortable here. I sometimes feel that the U.S. is my home because I live here, and I don’t have any intention of going back to Mexico; at least not of my own accord. With so many deportations, you’re sent off to Mexico for no reason at all. If you get deported, you can’t return to the United States. I think that would hurt more than anything; not being able to return –Alfonso Soy Mexicana porque nací en México. Todavía me siento parte de México porque de allá son mis raíces, y allá crecí la mayor parte de mi vida. Pero también me siento parte de EEUU porque tengo once años viviendo aquí y en unos pocos días voy a ser ciudadana de aquí. Siento respeto por EEUU porque Estados Unidos me dio la oportunidad de venir a este país y superarme. Pero muchas veces, siento que sigo siendo extranjera en este país. I am Mexican because I was born in Mexico. I still feel part of Mexico because my roots are from there, and I grew up there for most of my life. But I also feel part of the U.S. because I’ve lived here for eleven years, and in a few days, I will become a citizen. I feel respect for the U.S. because the United States gave me the opportunity to come to this country and improve myself. But many times, I feel that I am still a foreigner in this country. –María Soy Mexicana porque aunque he vivido casi la mitad de mi vida aquí, no me considero aún americana--americana, o que soy de aquí. Obviamente que sí veo a Estados Unidos como mi país también, pero siento que tengo aún mucho de México en mí. Siento que EEUU es mi hogar porque ya no me veo viviendo en México. Pienso que me voy a quedar aquí toda mi vida. Le tengo mucho cariño a EEUU. Lo considero como mi país…nos ha ayudado mucho, pero también siento que ayuda a unos y perjudica a otros. Ayuda a cierta gente, si tienes bajos recursos te ayuda con en el hospital, no importa qué raza seas, obviamente te van a atender, no les importa si tienes dinero. Pero en otras cosas perjudican a muchos inmigrantes, como no dar la licencia de manejar, y en Arizona ahora nada más por tu apariencia física te pueden parar y deportarte. Eso ya va en contra de los derechos humanos. I am Mexican because although I’ve lived almost half of my life here, I still don’t consider myself American, American, or that I am from here. Obviously, I do seethe United States as my country too, but I still have a lot of Mexico in me. I feel that the U.S. is home because I no longer see myself living in Mexico. I think that I will stay here all of my life.

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I feel a lot of affection for the U.S. I consider this my country…it has helped us out a lot, but I also feel that it helps some and harms others. It helps certain people. If you are low income, it helps you with hospital care, no matter your race. Obviously, they are going to care for you; it doesn’t matter to them if you have money. But in other things, they harm a lot of immigrants; such as, they don’t give them a driver’s license. And currently in Arizona, you can be pulled over and deported just on your physical appearance. That alone goes against human rights. –Bella Alfonso and Bella, who clearly stated that they are not considering a return to Mexico, aside from one day visiting their loved ones, mentioned several issues in Mexico that influence their decision to remain in the United States. These issues include the increase of violence, corrupt justice system, lack of employment, low wages, and educational inequity. Only María felt that returning to Mexico was a feasible option for her family. During our conversations, I gained the understanding that she was working diligently to prevent her husband’s deportation. I did not probe, but comprehended that, if need be, she preferred to raise her children in Mexico with their father instead of remaining alone in this country. Alfonso, María, and Bella voiced an interest in immigration reform and had an opinion on what the U.S. government should do to resolve this issue: Claro que sí me interesa la reforma migratoria, aunque no es que sea pesimista pero en mi opinión creo que nunca va a pasar. Pero creo que estaría muy bien. Trato de buscar información en la computadora o en las noticias. ¿La mejor solución? Yo me conformaría con que no hubiera propuestas anti-inmigrantes, como la de Arizona. Y deben por lo menos dar licencia de manejo a los indocumentados, creo que esa sería una buena solución. En mi opinión, no creo que den la amnistía porque somos millones de indocumentados. Of course, I am interested in immigration reform. I’m not being pessimistic, but in my opinion it will never happen. It would be a great if it did though. I try to look for information on the Internet or on the news. The best solution? I would settle for no more anti-immigrant proposals, like the one in Arizona. And they 213

should at least give undocumented people a driver’s license. I think this would be a good solution. In my opinion, I don’t think they will give amnesty because there are millions of us undocumented people. –Alfonso

Sí. A veces hay noticias que me llaman mucho la atención, especialmente las que afectan a los mexicanos que están aquí ilegalmente. Creo que el gobierno debe darles visas de trabajo y la oportunidad de arreglar en este país. Que dejen de separar familias a lo tonto porque no es justo, muchos la pagan sin deberla. Yes, sometimes there is news that really grabs my attention, especially news that affects the Mexicans here illegally. I think that the government should give them work visas, and the opportunity to gain documented status in this country. They should stop separating families at random, because it’s not fair; many people needlessly pay the price. –María

Claro que sí, a veces las leyes de migración salen en pláticas con mis amigos. La mejor solución es que pasen la reforma migratoria. Que pongan requisitos para dártela: pagar impuestos y trabajar. Las personas que están ayudando al país se la merecen. Of course, sometimes immigration reform laws come up in conversations with my friends. The best solution is for them to pass immigration reform. They should set some requirements: pay taxes and work. The people that are helping the country deserve it. –Bella Alfonso, María, and Bella were fully aware of the value of the DREAM Act. They felt that this population of immigrants was especially deserving of legislation that protected their livelihood and their future in the United States. The participants valued education and voiced their support for all immigrant youth trying to access higher education in this country. For example, Alfonso commented that, Son personas buenas que tratan de salir adelante y dan su mejor esfuerzo. Y creo que el gobierno debería ayudar más en eso. (They are good people who try to succeed and put forth their best effort; so, I think that the country should help more with that.) 214

During my final conversation with Alfonso, María, and Bella, we discussed immigrant rights. All three expressed a consciousness that included rights mandated by the federal government, as well as basic human rights. They also asserted cultural citizenship. Alfonso’s comments reflected this: Tiene el derecho de no ser tratado como esclavo, y…que en el trabajo no dejarte humillar por nadie, que así seas indocumentado o no, siempre que te quieran tratar mal no dejarte. (They have the right not to be treated like slaves, and not to allow themselves to be humiliated at work by anyone, whether they are undocumented or not; to stand up for yourself when mistreated.) María commented on the inequality of rights in the United States, specifically as it related to immigrants: No tienen los derechos que un ciudadano americano. No tienen derecho a recibir ayuda médica, tampoco a votar y mucho menos a trabajar. (They don’t have the rights that a U.S. citizen has. They don’t have the right to receive medical aid, to vote, and much less to work.) Bella’s comments differed somewhat from the others as she recognized some rights: Tienen derecho a estudiar, proveer para sus familias, tomar sus propias decisiones, y no ser discriminado por ser Mexicano. (They have the right to study, to provide for their families, to make their own decisions, and to not be discriminated against for being Mexican.) Collectively, these young adults felt that immigrants should be able to access federal assistance programs, apply for a driver’s license, gain employment, vote, purchase property, and embrace all other rights enjoyed by U.S. citizens.

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We discussed education extensively. Each had the opportunity to express whether Mexican immigrants had the right to an education in the United States. They were emphatic in their responses: Creo que sí. Todos merecemos las mismas oportunidades y tenemos derecho a estudiar y superarnos. (I think so. We all deserve the same opportunities and we have the right to study and make progress.) –Alfonso Sí, tenemos derecho a estudiar porque creo que no hay una ley que diga que las personas no puedan tener educación sólo por ser inmigrantes. (Yes, we have a right to study because I don’t believe there is any law that says that people can’t have an education simply because they are immigrants.) –María Claro, creo que cualquier persona tiene derecho a la escuela, al estudio. (Of course, I believe that anyone has the right to attend school, to study.)–Bella Our last meeting concluded with my asking how they foresaw their future in the United States. Despite difficult years acclimating to a new life after immigration and dealing with circ*mstances that forced them to leave high school before graduation, these young adults are actively shaping a future in the United States through their daily effort to attend GED classes and to work. Their reflections demonstrate the desire to create a good life for themselves and for their families. Un futuro ideal sería terminar mi GED y poder ir al CTCC y agarrar una carrera corta, tener un trabajo estable, una posición social mejor, casarme, tener hijos. Y tratar de ahorrar mucho dinero para que puedan ir a la universidad sin tener que sufrir tanto para conseguir un préstamo…o tener que cruzar los dedos para que les den una beca. An ideal future would be to finish my GED and enroll at CTCC and get a short career, have a stable job, a better social status, marry, have children. And try to save a lot of money so that they can go to college without having to suffer so much trying to get a loan …or having to cross their fingers in order to get a scholarship. –Alfonso Tener una carrera para que mi familia no sufra por dinero o cosas materiales. 216

Quiero que tengamos un futuro mejor y que pueda apoyar a mis hijos en sus estudios. Have a career so that my family doesn’t suffer because of money or material things. I want to have a better future and to one day be able to support my children with their education. –María ¡Uh! futuro ideal sería viajar, comprarle una casa a mi mamá…obviamente terminar mis estudios, casarme porque sí me quiero casar, tener hijos. Y que mis hijos tengan lo que yo no tuve. Oh! My ideal future would be to travel, buy a house for my mother…obviously to finish my studies, get married, because I would like to get married and have children. I want my children to have what I didn’t. –Bella

V. CTCC Department of Adult Education Joins the Discussion During the data collection phase, I also talked to three members of the Department of Adult Education at Central Texas Community College: the GED supervisor, an instructor, and a recruiting and advising specialist. My goal was to better understand the program’s instructional goals, its teaching philosophy, and its support services. I also gathered information from the three CTCC staff members about their professional perspectives on the student population. The following section focuses on their observations of the Mexican immigrant young adults enrolled in GED classes at CTCC. We discussed the value of the GED for this demographic, as well as their personal strengths, the least and most difficult academic subjects for them, and the reasons why these students sometimes leave the program without first gaining their GED credential.

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First, this dissertation documented the value that Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella place on completing the GED credential. In the previous chapter, we learned that this certificate has significant personal and educational worth for them. The adult education professionals gave the GED credential similar importance. They expressed the following: The value is the same as for the rest. It’s the gateway to other opportunities, and I would say also just the fact that they got it. I’ve had some of my students realize that they are learning things that college graduates may or may not remember or still have not learned, and they are learning it in our classes. You know, they get that self-esteem…it’s a beautiful thing, Lucy. –GED Supervisor The GED means a better job and a better salary. It’s also their way of showing this country that they are not here wasting their time; they are going to school. –GED Instructor I think it means different things for each of them; like, for some of them it’s completing, for some of them it’s being able to go to the next thing. The next thing might be work or further education. –Recruiting/Advising Specialist According to these professionals, the GED certificate not only provides passers with better employment opportunities, but also with an increased sense of self. For some, completing the GED tells the world that they are committed to their education and, ultimately, allows them to move forward in their life. Interestingly, the opinions of the CTCC staff about this group’s personal strengths also coincided with each other: Again and again, I would say very tenacious. I don’t know if that is changing as they are more assimilated into our culture because our culture is just not that way, hard-working. I would say that most of our students from other countries are just harder workers. They are harder workers, and they stick with it; they do--and that’s why I want to reward them with curriculum. And because they are hard working, sometimes they have like three jobs. They work hard everywhere in their lives. –GED Supervisor

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They work hard; in fact, they work harder than American students. They want it more. They want to show that they are doing something productive. They truly want to learn. They hunger and thirst for knowledge. –GED Instructor They are highly motivated. I think they are very determined and really work together; they really form a network and help each other out. –Recruiting/Advising Specialist

Although the Department of Adult Education at Central Texas Community College does not gather student data according to immigration status, nor have quantifiable statistics to show how Mexican immigrant young adults perform in progress testing, or whether they complete their GEDs, all three professionals did confirm that most immigrant young adults share one area of difficulty: English Language Arts. The GED supervisor and instructor explained that this makes it very difficult for this group to complete their GED, even though the students do not struggle in another difficult area: Mathematics. As they explained: They struggle most with language; it’s language, the Reading and the Writing. This becomes even harder for them when they haven’t had a good education in their home countries; in their own oral language and literacy skills in Spanish. –GED Supervisor It has to be the language. I tell them you can take the test in Spanish, but they don’t want to. And I appreciate that because they want to learn English. They really want to assimilate. They just want to be here, work, and have a good life. –GED Instructor

As with any other student population, challenges do not only encompass the academic arena. Many other factors come into play within any instructional setting, including adult education. Students like Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella also have to work through unrealistic expectations, tackle problems brought about by their immigration status, and 219

learn the adult education system. Although they are often eager to attend ESL and GED classes, they sometimes have trouble navigating adult education, getting the information they need, and understanding their options. Nevertheless, these reasons do not deter them from pursuing their GED; instead, as all three professionals agreed, Mexican immigrant students who decide to stop attending class often do so because of reasons linked to their livelihood. These may include family or employment obligations. These students often work long hours and multiple jobs in order to secure an income for their families, and this necessity often takes priority over attending their GED classes. In summary, I agree with the observations provided by the adult education administrative team. The demographic of 18 to 24-year-old Mexican immigrants is very hard working. It is important to point out, however, that U.S. born students also encounter similar obstacles in their journeys toward completing the GED credential. I last contacted Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella in the fall of 2011. Alfonso and Frodo were still enrolled in the GED program. Alfonso had progressed into the next level. Bella, who admitted to often missing class, was trying her best to comply with the 75 percent attendance requirement. Eventually, she succumbed to familial responsibilities after her grandmother in Mexico became ill. Bella had to cover the costs for her medical care and chose to work extra hours rather than attend GED class. María was now newly employed and said that attending GED class became very difficult. At the time of this last telephone conversation, María had already passed the Science, Social Studies, and Reading tests. She hoped to complete Math and Writing tests on her own. Despite the

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participants’ strong desires to complete their education, a myriad of factors continue to impact their educational goals.

VI. Summary of Chapter In review, this chapter presents the findings of data collected during 2011 in central Texas. I followed standard protocols of qualitative research, but I also opted to simply tell the participants’ stories without looking for patterns or common themes. Not only does this method give their individual narratives more importance, but it also honors their effort to answer twelve pages of questions; a request that I now realize was excessive. First, I discussed the GED setting at Central Texas Community College as experienced by each participant. This is the fundamental focus of this dissertation. This section revealed the value of the GED credential for this student demographic. As noted in the literature review, the value of the GED credential is an issue often contested; furthermore, information about Mexican immigrant youth enrolled in GED programs is almost nonexistent. Second, the details of the participants’ bi-national educational experiences were revealed. Through their narratives, the participants’ journeys came to life. We can visualize them as children in rural Mexico, as pre-teens adjusting to a new world, and as adolescents making life-changing decisions in order to secure their own space and livelihood. Their stories confirm what many of us in adult education already know: multiple factors impact the lives of students; and making the decision to leave school before graduating is often a difficult, but necessary step. Finally, I closed this chapter with an in-depth look at how each participant feels about migration, 221

identity, the United States, migration reform, the DREAM Act, immigrant rights, and their future in the United States. They do not condemn their parents’ decision to immigrate, but they still harbor mixed emotions about their identity and the spaces they currently occupy in the United States. They are aware of the migration debate; and, although they are not directly involved in political activism, they have clear opinions about immigrant rights. Alfonso, María, and Bella confirmed the perseverance that many immigrant groups show as they become part of the United States. As a daughter of immigration, I witnessed this first hand in my grandmother and mother. Both demonstrated a thirst for life and an enduring desire to create a future for themselves and for their children in this country. The narratives shared by Alfonso, María, and Bella exhibit this same yearning. As Alfonso aptly stated, this yearning is a need-to-be: ser una persona trabajadora y echarle ganas a la vida (to be a hardworking person and take on life wholeheartedly). María expressed this desire as, triunfar y lograr mis sueños (to succeed and to reach my dreams). Bella asserted with confidence that one could achieve anything imagined, stating, puedes hacer lo que tu quieras si te lo propones. (You can do anything you want to if you set your mind to it). They immigrated to the United States as teenagers, but were not tied to the dreams and wishes of their parents. Alfonso, María, and Bella were driven by their own desires to make a life for themselves in this new country.

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CHAPTER 5: FINDINGS, DISCUSSION, AND IMPLICATIONS I. Introduction

This qualitative study examined the educational journeys of Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella, who are Mexican immigrant young adults enrolled in GED classes at Central Texas Community College. It documented their reasons for enrolling, their educational narratives, the value of the GED, and the significance of the GED program in their lives and in their future aspirations. The findings of this study are vital because this student group is often overlooked within the context of adult education. In this final chapter, I discuss the findings of the study. This includes a synthesis of the common themes shared by participants and answers to the research questions. In answering these questions, I also connect the findings to the Latino Cultural Citizenship framework. The participants’ and my own recommendations are also highlighted in this chapter. Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella offer words of encouragement for other GED students and suggestions for the program’s supervisor. The researcher recommendations focus on professional development for instructors, curriculum and instruction, assessment, additional support, and student retention strategies. In addition, there are supplemental ideas to ensure that every GED class is a true learning community. Chapter 5 also reports on the educational options provided by the Government of Mexico for Mexican immigrants living in the United States. After a description of these, there is a short discussion of their feasibility for students like Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella. The last two sections of the chapter are standard sections of qualitative research 223

entitled Implications for Future Research and Limitations of Findings. After completing this dissertation project, I was left with more questions to ask the participants and with several ideas for future studies. Although I am unsure of my forthcoming role in adult education research, I do predict that other scholars will begin to include GED programs in the analysis of education; whether from preschool through a four-year college or through graduate school.

II. Discussion of Findings A. Common Themes Expressed by Participants

First, the interview questions within the typology Moving Forward: Adult Education and the Value of the GED, prompted participants to talk about their experience within the GED program at CTCC, the benefits of attending class, the value of the GED credential, and the meaning of completing this step in their educational journeys. According to Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella, the GED program at CTCC is providing them not only with a more encouraging type of educational setting, but also with the opportunity to reinvent themselves and to move forward. In my opinion, after taking into account the feedback provided by the participants and the information gathered by interviewing CTCC staff, Lindeman’s (1926) definition for adult education is still relevant today: “Adult education is an attempt to discover a new method and create a new incentive for learning; its implications are qualitative, not quantitative” (p. 28). Adult education continues to be a process in which adults work toward improving themselves, 224

an opportunity for transformation, and an endeavor to acquire an education (Houle, 1972; Knowles 1980b; Darkenwald and Merriam, 1982; Long, 1987; and Courtney, 1989). This dissertation study is neither quantitative nor longitudinal; therefore, I cannot confirm or refute the findings of scholars who have used statistical analyses to examine the labor market returns of the GED credential (Cameron and Heckman, 1993; Boesel, 1998; Murnane et al. al; 2000; Clark and Jaeger, 2006). My findings do corroborate, however, the results of several qualitative studies. As stated in Chapter 2, the value of attending GED classes and completing the GED credential has been documented by Brouillette (1999), Golden et al. (2005), Ou (2008), Alberti (2009), and Tuck (2012). According to these authors, the benefits of enrolling in a GED program included access to counseling, interaction with a network of students and instructors, improved academic skills, more confidence, and an opportunity to start over, leaving the “dropout” label behind. Students received guidance during their transition into postsecondary programs and were more optimistic while expressing higher levels of fulfillment. Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella discussed similar advantages to attending GED classes. They felt they were not only improving academically and in their personal lives, but also had access now to helpful instructors, a group of peers, and a professional support team comprised of CTCC staff. The participants communicated that they had more self-confidence about their education and felt positive about their ability to pursue vocational or higher education opportunities. This feedback corroborates the claims made by Tyler (2003) and Murnane and colleagues (1995). They argued that the GED credential does provide completers with access to vocational and postsecondary 225

education, as well as increase the motivation to seek better employment opportunities. This study cannot validate whether Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella continued on to pursue these opportunities, but it can confirm that all four felt that obtaining their GED certificate was the first step toward better employment or a profession. Next, the participants answered questions under the Bi-national Educational Journey: Schooling in Mexico and the United States typology and shared their elementary and secondary educational experiences. Chapter 4 highlighted elementary and middle school experiences that differed significantly. In this present section, I will further synthesize their immigration stories, their reflections on high school, and their decisions to stop attending high school before completing the requirements for graduation. Only Alfonso, María, and Bella completed this section of the interview script. Although all three regarded their high school experience as generally positive, their individual accounts of three different high schools in Central Texas ISD did underscore an academic tracking system, minimal college readiness, little interaction with school counselors, and a mix of soft and hard caring from teachers (Romo, 1996; Valenzuela, 1999; López, 2003). These students did not have access to a democratic curriculum and only received academic support services from the traditional English as a Second Language (ESL) program (Salinas, 2006). Furthermore, Alfonso, María, and Bella did not discuss biases or racism from teachers. Bella did recall being bullied and provoked by racist remarks from other students at Burdick High School (Romo, 1996; SuárezOrozco and Suárez- Orozco, 2001); however, without observational data or ethnography

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of these schools, I cannot label the high school experience at Central Texas ISD as institutional expulsion or oppression (López, 2003). Although I prefer not to speculate about the factors that prompted the participants’ decisions to leave high school, I will attempt to address probable concerns. Alfonso’s reason for not completing high school did not involve institutional or structural factors. As noted in Chapter 4, Alfonso opted not to be a financial burden to his family and chose to work in order to care for his parents. If we examine his narrative closely, however, we also see that despite having career aspirations, Alfonso did not think that attending college was feasible for him; he felt that he would never be able to afford it. Consequently, his decision to leave school was also fueled by his beliefs that college was an unattainable goal and that finishing high school had little value, especially when he had other more urgent responsibilities. Maria’s narrative adds another layer to this discussion. Overwhelmed by what she considered inflexible demands and unyielding supervision from her father, María decided to leave home. This choice, in turn, forced her into hiding and, as such, she could no longer attend school. Bella also felt compelled to leave home. Her relationship with her mother and stepfather became so tense that Bella moved out to live with her sister. Her focus now became her livelihood, and she quickly found herself working longer hours to make more money. If we take Alfonso, María, and Bella as examples, we could say that the ecological framework put forth by Hess (2000) and Vélez and Sáenz (2001) for high school non-completion among Latina/o students is very likely. Several interrelated factors also impact the educational attainment of these teens. These may include: personal, family, and school relationships; 227

interactions between home environments and schools; and the role of community. We can also consider the factors presented by many other qualitative researchers; however, without any observational data, I am unable to conclude that these students were “pushed or facilitated out” of school (Fine, 1991; Davison Avilés, et al., 1999). High school staff at Central Texas ISD did not use the GED alternative to encourage Alfonso, María, and Bella to leave high school (Murnane, et al., 1995; Smith, 2003; Rachal and Bingham, 2004; Perin et al., 2006); in fact, each only found out about the GED credential a short time before enrolling in GED classes at CTCC. Hondo, Gardiner, and Sapien (2008) provide multiple reasons to explain high school attrition among Latina/o youth. One of their findings shows that there is minimal contact between school and home; and too often administrators are not aware of family circ*mstances, nor do they discourage these teens from leaving school. Only María mentioned direct intervention from a school counselor in the eleventh grade. Her conversation with the counselor only postponed her decision though; she left school the next year. These scholars claim that students choose their emotional health, independence, jobs, and family responsibilities over completing high school. As a former GED instructor, I can confirm this. These were often the reasons my students provided for leaving school. As an educational researcher, however, I cannot substantiate this. Furthermore, this dissertation study cannot validate or refute these scholars’ findings. According to Steinberg, Blinde, & Chan (1984), immigration is a predictor of high school non-completion. Alfonso and María reported that they did not believe that immigration had a negative impact on their education in the United States; instead, they 228

credited this life-changing transition with providing them educational opportunities. Still, we have to consider whether immigration is a major factor in the educational attainment of immigrant youth. Cammarota (2008) stresses that immigrant teens often set their own goals aside in order to contribute to the family’s well being. Alfonso’s narrative substantiates Cammarota’s findings. In the case of María, we should consider whether her father’s concern over her safety was directly connected to problems within the neighborhood, the differences between raising children in the United States rather than in Mexico, or simply typical parenting dilemmas. Bella was the only participant to voice a direct connection between immigration and educational achievement. She expressed that immigrant youth clearly understood that they did not have access to a postsecondary education; that completing high school was the highest level of education reachable for them. Her narrative emphasizes the importance of immigration reform, the DREAM Act, and of access to higher education for immigrant youth in the United States. Last, Alfonso, María, and Bella answered questions about their immigration experience, their transition to life in the United States, identity, and cultural citizenship in the typology Immigration Story, Negotiating Spaces, Identity, and Cultural Citizenship. Their immigration narratives described comparable realities to those presented by Hondagneu-Sotelo (1992), Rumbaut (1997), Suárez-Orozco (2000), Jurkovic et al. (2004), and Cammarota (2008). The participants faced family separation from parents and siblings. Reunification depended on multiple factors, such as: financial stability of the family, availability of a new home, or federal immigration procedures. Upon arrival

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in the United States, the entire family went through a transition period and adjusted to new roles. As we learned in Alfonso’s narrative, these new familial responsibilities sometimes compel immigrant teens to forgo their own aspirations to meet the needs of the family. Bella did not have to financially support her mother and stepfather; however, she did have to work in order provide for herself. Alfonso and María also noted that their personal safety was a main concern for their parents. They discussed having more rigid curfew rules because of this, or of feeling confined in their new homes because they were not allowed to be out on their own. Regardless of the challenges that immigration added to their adolescence, as young adults Alfonso, María, and Bella felt that it was a positive, life-altering decision for their families. The immigration narratives shared by Alfonso, María, and Bella also point to a concept presented by Ogbu (1991): dual frame of reference. Ogbu uses the notion of dual frame of reference to explain the lens by which immigrants examine their situation in the United States. According to Ogbu, voluntary minorities (refugees, migrant workers, undocumented workers, and bi-nationals) are successful because they are able to cross cultural boundaries and are not opposed to the dominant group. For voluntary minorities, their lens is a comparative one. They judge their experience in this country in contrast with their past situation in their country of origin. They encounter what Ogbu and Simons (1998) call, positive dual frame of reference. They assert: Voluntary minorities have a positive dual frame of reference, at least during the first generation. One frame of reference is based on their situation in the United 230

States. The second frame of reference is based on their situation “back home,” or in their place of origin. For them the comparison is a postiive one because they see more opportunities for success in the United States than back home. (Ogbu and Simons, 1998, p.170) On the other hand, involuntary minorities arrive as a result of slavery, conquest, or colonization, and therefore examine their economic and social situation in comparison to that of middle- class white Americans (Ogbu and Simons, 1998, p.171). Involuntary minorities form an identity of resistance against the dominant group (white Americans) and shape their attitude in opposition to the practices, standards, and norms created by the dominant groups (Ogbu, 1987, p.330). Additionally, these groups have a different understanding of what they are required to do in order to ensure their success in the United States. In the case of immigrant minorities, their folk theory of getting ahead parallels that of the dominant group. They rationalize discrimination differently and feel that they can always return to their country of origin. Immigrant groups believe that upward social mobility can be achieved through hard work and academic achievement. In contrast, involuntary minorities develop what Ogbu considers an oppositional folk theory of achieving success. They do not trust the United States education system. Essentially these two groups have different cultural frames of reference and identities. As stated in Chapter 4, Alfonso, María, and Bella had positive sentiments about their family’s decision to immigrate. Let’s revisit their sentiments: El día de hoy, yo creo que fue una de las mejores decisiones, porque no hubiera aprendido inglés, y a lo mejor me sentiría un burro. Creo que como a los 16 o 17 años yo hubiera tomado la misma decisión para venir a trabajar. 231

Today, I think that it was one of the best decisions since I wouldn’t have learned English; I would have felt like a dummy. I think that at 16 or 17, I would have made the same decision and come to work. –Alfonso Fue buena decisión porque éste es un país con muchas oportunidades de salir adelante, de tener una carrera, de tener una familia, de estar mejor económicamente. En México, no hay mucho trabajo y te pagan muy poquito a la semana, no ganas lo mismo que aquí. It was a good decision because this is a country with a lot of opportunities to succeed, have a career, a family, and be better off financially. In Mexico, there aren’t a lot of jobs, and you get paid very little each week; you don’t earn what you do here. –María Sí, fue lo mejor porque ahora soy independiente. Tal vez en México me hubiese casado y dependería de mi marido como muchas de mis amigas lo hacen. En ese momento yo no entendía pero aquí estamos bien. No me hubiese gustado quedarme en México porque no hubiera tenido tantas oportunidades, no tendría lo que tengo ahorita. Yes, it was for the best because I am now independent. Perhaps in Mexico, I would have married and been dependent on my husband, like many of my girlfriends are. At the time I didn’t understand, but we are fine here. I would not have liked staying in Mexico because I wouldn’t have had so many opportunities; I wouldn’t have what I have today. –Bella

Ogbu’s typology has many critics, and scholars have provided many rebuttals to his framework (Ainsworth-Darnell, J.W., & Downey, D.B., 1998; Goldsmith, 2004; Hays, 1992). Yet, his notion of a positive dual frame of reference partially explains why despite the challenges of immigration, Alfonso, María, and Bella remain positive about their family’s decision to immigrate. At the time of our interview, the participants of this study were still negotiating their reality as immigrants in the United States and their identities. Alfonso, María, and Bella self-identified as Mexicana/o (Mexican) and felt deeply connected to their country 232

of birth. Although they did not label themselves transnational, their lives were. They had family and friends in Mexico and were responsible for providing financial resources for them. Many researchers have documented identity formation among immigrant youth and have labeled these identities as hybrid, transnational, and transcultural (Flores and Benmayor, 1997; Suárez-Orozco and Suárez-Orozco, 2001; Asher, 2008). Scholars such as Gloria Anzaldúa (1987) and David Gutiérrez (1999) have even argued that immigrants create a “Third Space: a cultural and linguistic space where they feel safe” (CastroSalazar and Bagley, 2010, p. 30). The participants did not communicate mixed sentiments about their identity, nor did they adopt a U.S. American label; instead, they expressed genuine respect, gratitude, and affection for the United States. On the other hand, they did express mixed emotions about their sense of belonging, and they did voice their concern over state and federal immigration policies. The never-ending immigration debate that has dragged on through two presidential administrations only fuels this wavering sense of belonging. Alfonso, María, and Bella reported active interest in the immigration debate and expressed support for the DREAM Act. They felt that immigrant youth deserved the opportunity to continue their education and fulfill their aspirations in the United States. Educational, community, and political leaders have shown support for this piece of legislation; so too have academic researchers, who have posed the following arguments in agreement with the DREAM Act (Deverall, 2007-2008; Galassi, 2003; García, 2006; Lee, 2006-2007, López & López, 2010):

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The DREAM Act creates a legalization process for undocumented immigrant youth.

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It financially benefits the United States by an increase in tax revenues and reduces government expenses.

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The Act will help maintain the U.S. military because it will allow undocumented immigrants to be part of the U.S. military.

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The DREAM Act is an extension of Plyler.

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It will reduce attrition rates and encourage undocumented students to complete high school and enroll in college.

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Undocumented youth would gain access to more alternatives and be able to become part of the country’s workforce.

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It will provide access to college for undocumented students.

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These students have received a U.S. education and should not be considered foreigners.

Researchers have also used qualitative data to show the significance of the DREAM Act in the Latina/o community. Their work demonstrates that the civic engagement, activism, and persistence of undocumented immigrant students are assets to the United States. For example, Pérez and colleagues (2010) present the results of a small study to emphasize that despite the marginality of this group, 90 percent of participants were interested in engaging in community activities. Such activities included social service, activism, tutoring, and functionary work. Their study challenges current ideas that undocumented youth are a burden to the U.S. political system. As the authors explain, “Rather than completely dejected, hopeless, and apathetic, they invest time and effort in community service, volunteerism, and activism” (p. 260). 234

The authors confront the negative public opinion that surrounds the DREAM Act, making clear that, “It continues to put these model citizens in the shadows with few prospects to fully realize their potential as civic leaders” (p. 261). Alfonso, María, and Bella were actively engaged in civic life. They were interested in local, state, and federal legislation that surrounds immigration reform as well as other issues. In addition, all three emphasized that they contributed to the economic stability of the United States. For example, Alfonso stated: Mi contribución a este país es que pago mis taxas igual que cualquier norteamericano, y que vine a trabajar y no a robar como muchos piensan. My contribution to this country is that I pay my taxes as does any other North American, and that I came here to work not to steal like so many think. Also, Bella felt that her contribution to the United States was her education and future aspirations to open her own business. Essentially, all three were active citizens with intentions to contribute to the well being of this country. Additionally, Contreras (2009) further asserts, “many undocumented Latino students are determined, hard working, engaged, and optimistic despite the additional layer of fear and anxiety they experience due to their legal status” (p. 628). Her study revealed the realities of fear and mistrust faced by undocumented college students who were unable to reveal their legal status and had to endure a form of marginalization within the college setting. These students missed out on mentorship and professional opportunities. Financial barriers and the college climate also further isolated these students (p. 621). The college experience, however, varied significantly and depended on the educational climate of each institution. Undocumented college students, for example, 235

who enrolled in community colleges often lacked knowledge of the resources on campus, while students enrolled at universities were able to access more information and services. Many students also faced discrimination and threatening behavior from the campus professional staff. For example, one student was told, “You are lucky that you have not been deported” (p. 624). Despite these challenges, the undocumented students in Contreras’ study stressed their ganas—that is, their willingness and desire, to move forward and achieve their goals (p. 625). The author concludes by once more highlighting the importance of the DREAM Act, stating, “Our nation will be ill-served if it continues to turn its back on these extremely deserving students who already positively contribute to the place they call home” (p. 629). Although the students in my study were not technically “DREAM Act” students, they nevertheless share the undocumented circ*mstance of their fellow activists and work in their own way to assert their cultural citizenship. Although the participants in my study recognized the many rights that Mexican immigrants do not have in this country, they also spoke of rights that not even the federal government can take away. These included rights to: have equal treatment and opportunities, keep their identity, pursue an education, provide for their families, make decisions, and not tolerate discrimination. By attending GED classes, by working toward a GED credential, and by considering a postsecondary education, Alfonso, María, and Bella are asserting their right to an education and building a future for themselves and their children in this country. Benmayor, Torruellas, and Juarbe (1997) confirm that the GED instructional setting is a place of empowerment. It provides a space for immigrants 236

to affirm their cultural citizenship. This was noted in the case of the women of El Barrio Community Center in East Harlem. Another parallel example is the study conducted by Mirón and Inda (2004) of 12 high school students enrolled in a summer language program in California in 1997. These scholars describe the teens’ urgency to learn English as a way of constructing cultural citizenship. Similarly, Alfonso, María, Bella, and even Frodo, also mentioned a strong desire to develop more English language skills, although they are accomplishing this in an adult education setting. In essence, the participants of this study are creating their own spaces and identities. They are rejecting the limitations of citizenship as set forth by government institutions and opening an educational environment for immigrant groups. They are also constructing counternarratives of the Mexican immigrant young adult enrolled in GED classes (Flores & Benmayor, 1997). B. Answers to the Research Questions This study began with the following research questions: 1. What are the factors motivating Mexican immigrant students to return to an educational setting in order to pursue the GED credential? 2. What is the value of the GED credential for Mexican immigrant students? 3. How has the GED program contributed to the participants’ academic development and career goals? 4. How has the participants’ Latino cultural citizenship shaped their current pursuit of an education in the United States and contributed to their future aspirations as they continue to form an adult life in the United States? After completing this study, I learned that Mexican immigrant students return to an educational setting in order to pursue the GED credential for reasons similar to other 237

US-born students who did not complete high school. The participants want to gain access to vocational certification programs offered at CTCC, a university education, better employment opportunities, job security, and higher wages. They also expressed a desire to improve their English literacy skills. On a personal level, Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella came back to school in order to fulfill personal goals, to prove to themselves that they could achieve a GED, and to be role models for their children. Their reasons for enrolling in the GED program at CTCC also reflected the value that the GED had for them. This certificate meant access to postsecondary education, to a wider range of employment options, and to a much-desired sense of accomplishment. The GED certificate also contributed to their academic progress and shaped their future aspirations; for example, Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella reported academic progress in English Language Arts and Mathematics. This progress provided an incentive to consider options for post-GED schooling. As noted, Alfonso and Bella talked about becoming business owners. María voiced a need to instill in her children the value of education and hence create a new generation of leaders in her family. Frodo, who was not satisfied with only attending GED classes, wanted to gain other marketable skills and enrolled in the Career Track Program. Little by little, with the help of the adult education program at CTCC, all four were building a future for themselves in this country. Their cultural citizenship has shaped their goal of obtaining an education in the United States and fueled their efforts to build a life for themselves in this country. Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella represent three ideals of cultural citizenship: agency, transnationalism, and civic participation. Ultimately, their cultural citizenship has pushed 238

them to assert their right to an education. The GED credential represents not only access to more educational opportunities but also entry to a new social space. Alfonso, María, and Bella give explicit voice to how immigrants assert their agency and create new social spaces in the United States (Flores and Benmayor, 1997; Weis et al., 2002, Oboler, 2006). Alfonso’s narrative exemplified the importance of agency: Uno debe echarle ganas y no dejarse ser conformista. Por ejemplo, si hoy tienes cien dólares, que mañana tengas doscientos y tener una ambición hacia el futuro y no sólo conformarte con lo que tienes hoy. Creo que uno mismo puede mejorar su situación. One must put forth the effort and not be a conformist. For example, if today you have 100 dollars, tomorrow you should have 200. One must have an ambition for the future and not just settle with what you have today. I believe that we each can better our situation. Flores (1997) explains, “cultural citizenship consists of everyday life activities that, as they are played out, create a sense of belonging” (p.210). By attending GED classes, Alfonso, María, and Bella claim their right to an education in the United States and essentially assert their right to belong in the larger society. Glick Schiller, Basch and Blanc-Szanton (1992) define transnationalism as, “the processes by which immigrants forge and sustain multi-stranded social relations that link together their societies of origin and settlement” (p. 7). María expressed an interest in Mexico’s current events and voiced a concern for its current crisis: Si me interesa lo que pase en Mexico, las guerras que hay con el narcotráfico y todo eso, las matanzas porque tengo familia en Mexico y mis padres tienen muchos asuntos en mi pueblo. Yes, I am interested in what happens in Mexico, the war against drug trafficking 239

and all of the murders because I have family in Mexico and my parents have a lot of interests in my town. As noted earlier in this chapter, Alfonso, María, and Bella participated in civic life by being informed of current political discussions, pursuing an education, working, and contributing to the social well being of the United States. The narratives shared by these students also corroborated the findings of previous scholarship relevant to cultural citizenship. The following are further connections to this framework. First, Rosaldo’s (1997) work notes the importance of respeto (respect) and dignidad (dignity) for the immigrant community and this group’s understanding of this right. Alfonso states, Tiene el derecho de no ser tratado como esclavo, y…que en el trabajo no dejarte humillar por nadie, que así seas indocumentado o no, siempre que te quieran tratar mal no dejarte. (They have the right not to be treated like slaves, and not to allow themselves to be humiliated at work by anyone, whether they are undocumented or not; to stand up for yourself when mistreated.) Second, as Benmayor, Torruellas, and Juarbe (1997) explain that the GED fulfills their long deferred desire for an education. This is true for all four participants. For example, Alfonso shares: Es una meta que no pude lograr de adolescente. ¡Uy! Sería algo como terminar una meta que dejé empezada cuando iba a la high school, que no pude terminar en la high school cuando tenía dieciséis años. This is a goal that I was not able to reach as a teenager. Yeah! It would be like finishing a goal that I left unfinished during high school; something I was not able to finish when I was sixteen years old.

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Third, cultural citizenship acknowledges the right of this community to protect their family’s well being and children’s future (Benmayor, Torruellas, and Juarbe, 1997). Maria’s narrative places a significant importance on ensuring family stability. She says: El GED me va ayudar a conseguir trabajo y…económicamente. Porque va ser más fácil que yo encuentre un trabajo. Cuando encuentre trabajo, creo que voy a estar mejor pagada. Y en mi vida, creo que con trabajo y mejor salario creo que yo así podré darle a mis hijos lo que yo no pude tener de pequeña. The will help me get a job and...financially, because it will be easier for me to find a job. I think that I will be better paid when I find a job. And in my personal life, I believe that with a job and better pay, I will be able to give my children what I did not have as a child. – María

Last, Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella all expressed an urgent need to learn English. According to Mirón and Inda (2004), this goal is also connected to cultural citizenship.

IV. Participant Recommendations for the GED Program at CTCC A. Recommendations for other GED students:

Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella shared recommendations for other GED students, particularly Mexican immigrant young adults enrolled in this program. Their suggestions centered on providing words of encouragement for their peers, and their messages once again demonstrate how much they value education: Que traten de lograr sus metas y deben ir a la escuela. Que no dejen ir una oportunidad que es tan grande como tener clases de GED gratuitas. Estas clases a veces te cuestan miles de dólares y a lo mejor las tienes que ver en video. Que las traten de aprovechar porque muchos estudiantes no lo hacen. Cuando empiezan las clases de GED hay como treinta estudiantes en una clase y al final del semestre sólo terminan siete. Pues no sé, que sigan sus metas y que los que todavía no entran a las clases que traten de buscar información de CTCC. Hay 241

muchas clases de GED y te pueden ayudar. They should try to reach their goals and must go to class. Don’t miss out on such a great opportunity of having free GED classes. These classes often cost thousands of dollars, and you sometimes have to watch them on video. Try to take advantage of these because many students don’t do so. When GED classes begin there are about 30 students in class and at the end of the semester, only seven finish. Well, I don’t know, to follow their goals; and for those who have not yet enrolled in classes, try to find information about CTCC. They offer many GED classes and they can help you. –Alfonso

Pues realmente que lleven las cosas con calma, el mundo no se hizo en un día. Deben tratar de echarle ganas y estudiar porque en la clase puedes ver algo, pero si tu no lo repasas en tu casa, no se te queda en el cerebro. Sí, que nunca se den por vencidos porque es muy importante la escuela, ya realmente es una educación que te va a dar muchas cosas en el futuro. Well, really that they should be patient; the world was not created in one day. They should put forth the effort and study because you can learn something in class; but, if you don’t review it at home, the information will not stay in your brain. Yes, to never give up because school is very important; it’s really education that will give you so much in the future. –Frodo

Pues, que no se desanimen, que en su tiempo libre vayan a la librería, busquen libros de GED, o busquen en la computadora algo que les pueda ayudar a seguir adelante con sus clases. Que le echen muchas ganas porque es muy…muy importante tener ese certificado. Que piensen en que van a tener un mejor futuro. Well, don’t get discouraged, go to the library in their free time; look for GED books, or do some research on the computer that may help them advance in their classes. Put a lot of effort into it, because obtaining this certificate is very, very important. Focus on having a better future. –Maria

Yo les podría recomendar que no hagan a un lado al GED, que no dejen las clases por más difícil que a veces parezca ir. Si a veces piensen que no pueden, que no las dejen porque sí se puede. Y la segunda es que estudien. ¡Qué estudien mucho! Porque sí, te ayuda mucho. I would recommend that they don’t set the GED aside; don’t stop attending GED classes no matter how difficult it may sometimes seem. If they sometimes think 242

that they can’t do it, don’t leave the classes, because they can do it. And my second recommendation is for them to study. Study a lot! Because this does help you quite a bit. –Bella

These four believed that students should be committed to completing the GED credential and also understood that the free classes and support offered by CTCC were not to be taken for granted. Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella acknowledged that accomplishing this required patience, perseverance, and hard work. Their recommendations were not just in response to my interview questions, but were also provided as encouragement for many others who are enduring the same journey. B. Recommendations for the GED Program Supervisor The participants of this study also provided recommendations for the GED supervisor at Central Texas Community College. Their candid remarks will be shared with the Department of Adult Education. The suggestions were: Que haga un plan para cada curso. En mi clase falta leer un poco más. Me gustaría un día aprender de una materia, como el lunes aprender social studies, el martes todo gramática y el miércoles hacer ejercicios de lectura. Que un día se enfoquen nada más en una materia pero más detalladamente. Ahora haces las tres en un solo día y a veces solamente te pueden explicar un poco de cada una. Me gustaría aprender una cosa y otro día de otra, sin estar brincando de gramática a lectura a matemáticas. Make a plan for each course. My class is missing more reading. I would like to learn each subject on one day; like on Monday, learn social studies; on Tuesday, focus on grammar; and on Wednesday, work on reading exercises. Focus on one subject each day, but in more detail. Right now, we do everything on one day and sometimes they can only explain a little bit of each subject. I would like to learn one thing one day, and another on the next day, without jumping from grammar to reading to mathematics. –Alfonso Debe abrir más clases porque cuando estábamos inscribiéndonos hubo muchos problemas para poder encontrar una clase que apoyara nuestras necesidades. 243

También, seguir haciendo los programas como en el que estoy ahorita. Creo que ayudaría muchísimo a muchos estudiantes no nada más a sacar el GED, sino a tratar de seguir en alguna carrera. Como que te sientes apoyado en el programa- GED Career Track. Me gustaría que lo siguieran haciendo para más estudiantes. They should open more classes because when we were registering there were many problems with finding a class that met all of our needs. Also, keep providing the program that I am currently enrolled in. I think this would help a lot of students in not only completing the GED, but in trying to pursue a career. You feel supported in the GED Career Track program. I would like for it to continue for more students. –Frodo

¿Tres recomendaciones? Que hubiera clases de GED que tuvieran guarderías para los niños pequeños. Así más mujeres pueden asistir y yo faltaría menos. También que nos diera acceso a más libros. Three recommendations? Provide GED classes with childcare for young children. This way more women can enroll, and I wouldn’t miss so much. Also, give us access to more books. –María

Que dieran libros…porque a como tengo entendido, sólo les permiten hacer ciertas copias. Muchas veces no nos alcanzan y alguien se queda sin el papel o lo comparte, lo pasa en una hoja. Pienso que los libros ayudarían. ¿Qué más? No sé, que hubiera más días, como más días de clase. Y que los maestros interactuaran más con cada estudiante, tal vez que hagan actividades para conocer más a los maestros y que ellos nos conozcan a nosotros. Provide books…because from what I understand, they only allow a certain number of copies to be made. Many times, there aren’t enough copies and someone does not get a handout, has to share it, or copy it onto paper. I think books would help. What else? I don’t know, maybe more days, more days of class. And that the teachers should interact more with each student; maybe they can plan activities for us to get to know the instructors more, and they can get to know us more. –Bella Suggestions for CTCC included ideas for better lesson planning, more courses, and additional support services. I agree that these recommendations would benefit a large number of students. 244

V. Educational Options provided by the Government of Mexico

As I mentioned in Chapter 3, I had a brief conversation in spring 2012 with a staff member at the Mexican Consulate in central Texas. At the time, he represented the Office of Cultural and Political Affairs at the Institute for Mexicans Abroad. I wanted to hear how the Mexican Consulate felt about the educational opportunity for Mexican immigrant young adults living in the United States, their sentiments about the GED credential, and any support services offered by their office. The staff member provided minimal information. He claimed that answering my questions went against federal policy, that his comments represented the official opinion of the Mexican government, and that he did not have the authority to answer my questions. He politely referred me to the Consulate’s website for additional information, but when I checked this website I saw that it was out of service due to the pending presidential election. As per the staff member, Mexico does not allow any propaganda in support of the current administration six months prior to the national election. The Mexican Consulate representative did seem interested in talking to me, however, and did not send me on my way. He asked many questions about the U.S. public school system and wanted to chat about irrelevant topics. For example, the he spent a considerable amount of time encouraging me to solicit Mexican citizenship. He asked about my place of birth, the origins of my last name, my language skills, and such. According to him, as the daughter of Mexican nationals, I had the right to travel to Mexico as a citizen, not as a foreigner. I remained neutral and attentively listened to his 245

comments. After forty-five minutes, I successfully guided the conversation toward the topic of the GED credential and the educational options provided by the Mexican government for Mexican immigrant young adults in Central Texas. The Consulate representative knew very little about the GED credential. He asked numerous questions. I briefly explained that the test measured skills in Reading, Social Studies, Science, Writing, and Mathematics, and explained that it gave completers access to community colleges. I pointed out that these students could then transfer to other higher education institutions and complete a bachelor’s degree, if desired. He first expressed concern over such a limited curriculum; then, he expressed his opinion that the certificate was of little value a to Mexican national, stating that the Mexican government did not recognize this certificate. It would be of no benefit to Mexican immigrant young adults upon their return to Mexico. He offered two alternatives: •

Bachillerato a Distancia, Universidad Nacional Autonoma de México (Online High School, National Autonomous University of Mexico)

•

Plazas Comunitarias en Estados Unidos (Adult Learning Centers in the United States)

First, the Online High School is a program provided by the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) located in Mexico City. It is open to students who live in Mexico or to Spanish speakers in other countries. Open enrollment is held twice a year. In order to register and complete the prerequisites, prospective students must submit a birth certificate, a diploma certifying that they completed middle school with a grade point average of 70 or better, and documentation to show their place of residence. The 246

program requires courses in Distance Learning, Reading and Composition, and Mathematics prior to eligibility for enrollment. The initial cost is $200 US dollars. UNAM provides full scholarships for all applicants for this portion of the process. Once this is complete, prospective students must take an entrance exam at a cost of $320 MXN pesos ($26 US dollars), and scholarships are not available. After these initial steps, students can begin the program of study. Students have to finish 24 courses in four areas: Humanities, Social Sciences, Mathematics, and Natural Sciences. The cost of these courses is $3,840 US dollars and scholarships are available. On average, it takes students two years to complete the program. The program provides on-line instructors and a team for technology support. Those interested in enrolling must comply with technological requirements, such as: a computer; high speed Internet access; updated versions of Firefox or Explorer; multi-media accessories, like speakers, CD and DVD players, a microphone, and webcam; and programs such as Windows Vista or better, Flash Player, Acrobat Reader, Microsoft Windows, Excel, and PowerPoint. The graduates of this program who reside abroad have the right to access certain fields of study at the Bachelor’s level available online at UNAM. Graduates who live in Mexico can enroll at any university by following the same admission standards required of any student. The Consulate representative believed this program was a better option for Mexican immigrant young adults living in the United States. He stated that upon their return to Mexico, these students would have the opportunity to enroll at any university. Their high school diploma would carry the prestige of the National Autonomous

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University of Mexico (UNAM), and this would give them access to many higher education options. Secondly, the Mexican government provides Plazas Comunitarias in the United States. This program offers primary, secondary, and vocational education for Mexican immigrants living in the United States. This is also an online program and is often housed within community educational and cultural centers. Adult students attend traditional classes, but all instruction is based on completing online modules and taking completion exams and completing exit-level exams. Staff employed by the entity that houses the program provides educational and technology support for students. Completers get a certificate provided by the Mexican Ministry of Education. In Central Texas, the Plaza Comunitaria is offered at a learning center sponsored by a catholic church. This center also provides ESL and GED instruction, Delta computer laboratory for high school students, and youth job training. Since I learned about these options after completing the interviews with Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella, unfortunately I did not get to ask them about the feasibility of the Online High School or the Plazas Comunitarias for them. Nevertheless, I do feel that my experience as a GED instructor gives me some insight into the significance of these programs for this student population. The Online High School offered by the National Autonomous University of Mexico is a good option for those Mexican immigrant young adults who are planning to return to Mexico, who have the financial resources to cover the costs, who have Internet capabilities to access distance learning sites, who can provide the documentation required to enroll, and who can work independently for the duration of the program. In my 248

opinion, however, this is not a good option for Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella for a variety of reasons: they voiced little interest in returning to Mexico; they all needed to work to secure a better financial future and provide for their families; they often depended on public libraries for Internet access; they did not complete middle school in Mexico; and they all were glad of the support provided by instructors and peers while they were attending GED classes. Although I do not believe the Plazas Comunitarias program would have been appropriate for the participants, I do recognize that the program offers a good educational option for Mexican immigrant adults who are looking for elementary or secondary education in Spanish. After completing the program, there is the added option to take the GED test in Spanish and gain a certificate that is valid for employment in the United States. The educational options provided by the Government of Mexico have pedagogical value. I commend those involved for their efforts to provide schooling opportunities for Mexican immigrants living in the United States. Still, I do not feel that these alternatives are what Mexican immigrant young adults are looking for, nor do I believe that these programs are a feasible undertaking for the majority of immigrants. Students like Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella need the support of an instructional team who not only provides individual educational goals for them, but also who facilitates their access to other opportunities. This is truly the value of the GED classes at Central Texas Community College. Aside from test preparation, students gain information about community resources, vocational training, and higher education career paths. Most

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importantly, they acquire a network of support that includes a myriad of professionals with a wide range of expertise.

VI. Implications for Future Research Academic research in adult education has primarily focused on English as a Second Language (ESL) and literacy programs (Lee and Sheared, 2002; Lukes, 2009; Díaz Soto, 2011). In my opinion, GED programs are often overlooked; hence, the possibilities for future research are vast. First, the selection criterion for this study was too narrow. Many Mexican immigrant students who were willing to participate were left out. Future research projects should include more participants and multiple age groups. Age of immigration, or whether the individual received secondary education in the United States or Mexico, should not exclude students from participating. Although the immigration story and school narrative must be documented, the educational experiences within the adult education setting are most important. Gathering data from different age groups would allow for not only a more extensive examination of how Mexican immigrants fair in GED classes, but also it would allow the opportunity for comparative analysis. Second, adult education researchers should consider conducting qualitative studies that follow Mexican immigrant GED students for two academic years. This type of project would document their access to adult education programs, academic progress, strengths and challenges, completion of GED, and what they choose to do next. Researchers can also use this study to accurately identify the educational and support services needed by this student group. Third, there is an opportunity for future research in tracking Mexican 250

immigrant students who completed their GED and are enrolled at community colleges or universities. The purpose of this study would be to document their transition into postsecondary programs. During my years as an instructor at CTCC and at The University of Texas at Austin I met a handful of Mexican immigrant students who had started their educational journey in adult education programs. They had started as ESL students, transitioned into GED classes, completed their GED, and were pursuing associate’s or bachelor’s degrees. I anticipate that this group would be hard to find and only result in a small qualitative study. Nevertheless, it would provide a vast amount of information about the avenues taken by Mexican immigrants to assert their right to an education in this country. Last, future research must also evaluate the curriculum and instruction, assessment tools, additional support, and student retention strategies employed by GED programs in Texas or other states. Detailed observational data would reveal the programmatic strengths and challenges of each program, and the researcher could even provide support in developing or implementing new pedagogical methods. This study will be especially important within the next few years in order to examine how instructors and students are incorporating and adapting to the new GED curriculum and tests. VII. Limitations of Findings As with any research project, there are a few limitations to the findings of this study. First, although generalizability was not a goal, I still want to emphasize that the narratives shared by Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella are very unique to each one of them, and I cannot use their stories to make assumptions about other Mexican immigrant 251

students enrolled in GED classes. Although the participants share a childhood in Mexico, an immigration story during adolescence, schooling in the same school district in Central Texas, and the decision to leave high school without graduating, the details of their journeys are differ significantly. Second, as stated in Chapter 3, interviews were the only source of qualitative data for this project. This limited the study and limits the findings too. Two initial research tools, take-home essay questions and a group discussion, were discarded after I realized that participants were struggling just to complete five interviews and any additional requests would introduce unnecessary stress. These additional research strategies, however, would have provided a more in-depth look at the participants’ past educational experiences and current enrollment at CTCC. Third, there is a limited amount of scholarship relevant to Mexican immigrant young adults enrolled in GED classes. The review of literature provided in Chapter 2 demonstrates that most research documenting the educational experiences of Mexican immigrants in the United States has been conducted by scholars who focus on English as a Second Language (ESL) programs; not on Adult Basic and Secondary Education. This means that the findings of this study only add one more piece to the puzzle; consequently, the role of this study is to fuel the discussion and promote further research. Last, the recommendations presented in this chapter by the participants can be used to enrich the GED program at Central Texas Community College. Their applicability to other programs is limited though. Suggestions presented by Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella are based exclusively on their experiential knowledge of the 252

courses and instructors at CTCC and thus are limited to this educational setting. Although this limits the scope of the recommendations, it does not void them. The suggestions documented in this dissertation can be helpful to other programs in order to create adult learning communities and to increase students’ completion of the GED certificate. VIII. Final Thoughts My goal is for this dissertation to confirm the relevance of GED programs as alternate paths towards postsecondary education. Adult education is no longer a marginal institution. Elementary, secondary, adult, and higher education should collaborate in order to ensure the academic achievement of all students. I firmly believe that I’ve provided a genuine account of the narratives shared by Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella. During this dissertation process, I came across two statements that ultimately impacted this project and will remain with me should I return to an adult education program or a university setting. Although I have already included the first excerpt in this manuscript, it is fitting to reference the quote again in my conclusion. The words of Renato Rosaldo (1997) represent not only my concerns and objectives as a researcher, but they also inform my purpose as a GED or university instructor: The notion of cultural citizenship challenges social analysts to attend with care to the point of view from which they conduct their studies. Too often social thought anchors its research in the vantage point of the dominant social group and thus reproduces dominant ideology by studying subordinate groups as a “problem”

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rather than as people with agency –with goals, perceptions, and purposes of their own. (p. 37) These words are embedded in both my research and teaching philosophy. For this reason, I deliberately presented Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella as GED students; not as high school dropouts or non-completers. In 2010, when my dissertation proposal was centered on their high school settings and their pasts, I felt very uncomfortable. I failed to acknowledge who they are today and their current efforts to complete their secondary education. This was unfair; it also challenged my focus. I chose to set the project aside for a time. It was after several unsuccessful attempts at gaining employment at Central Texas ISD, and after attending a few adult education conferences, that I had an epiphany. I recognized that adult education is what I do, what I know, and what I love. I had forgotten this. I also understood that I had minimal knowledge of the high school setting; consequently, a dissertation based on this setting would only produce speculations. Most importantly, the time away from the dissertation allowed me to reexamine my five years as a GED instructor and allowed me to consider the insights I gained during my year as a GED reader at the Scoring Center in Central Texas. The essays I read and scored often related messages of hard work, perseverance, and resilience. These inspired me and anchored my focus. I knew my dissertation needed to center on the GED student. Furthermore, I knew the importance of emphasizing that Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella, as well as many other students enrolled in GED classes, are individuals with agency. They have aspirations, opinions, and intentions of their own. 254

In addition to Renaldo Rosaldo’s statement, a quote from Michelle Fine (1991) signifies my own consciousness and my desire to make a difference in the lives of students and in the field of adult education: “The responsibility lies with us, as policymakers, activists, researchers, and educators, to reveal, interrupt, and transform this seemingly “natural” loss of bodies, minds, and critical spirits” (p. 230). This “loss of bodies” does not only happen at the high school level; it happens in adult education classes. If the right measures aren’t in place to provide support for students during difficult moments, then young adults who enroll in colleges or universities are not safe either. Both a myriad of challenges and a variety of gatekeepers can derail students’ paths toward a postsecondary education. In my work as a GED and university instructor, my primary goal was to safeguard the path towards a GED certificate or a college degree for my students. I believe that it is my responsibility as an educator and as a mentor to interrupt and transform the notion that students should be able to succeed on their own without external help. This belief will continue to be my main priority as I leave The University of Texas at Austin and begin the next stage of my life. Today, with satisfaction, I come to the close of this transformational journey and feel proud to have encountered and perhaps guided so many GED and undergraduate students; more specifically, to have encouraged the educational ambitions of Alfonso, Frodo, María, and Bella while also learning from their own stories of hard work and perseverance.

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APPENDICES APPENDIX A: IRB CONSENT FORMS (ENGLISH & SPANISH) IRB APPROVED ON: 04/24/2012 IRB Protocol #2010-12-0081

EXPIRES ON:04/23/2013

Title: Mexican Immigrant GED Students: Voices of Immigration and Education Conducted By: Lucy Guevara Vélez The University of Texas at Austin Department of Curriculum & Instruction Telephone: 956-206-9677 [emailprotected]

Faculty Supervisor: Angela Valenzuela The University of Texas at Austin Department of Curriculum & Instruction Telephone: 512-232-6008 [emailprotected]

Funding Source: N/A You are being asked to participate in a research study. This form provides you with information about the study. The person in charge of this research will also describe this study to you and answer all of your questions. Please read the information below and ask any questions you might have before deciding whether or not to take part. Your participation is entirely voluntary. You can refuse to participate or stop participating at any time without penalty or loss of benefits to which you are otherwise entitled. You can stop your participation at any time and your refusal will not impact current or future relationships with UT Austin or participating sites. To do so simply tell the researcher you wish to stop participation. The researcher will provide you with a copy of this consent for your records. The purpose of this study is to understand the educational experiences of Mexican immigrant students who attended but did not complete high school in Austin ISD and are now enrolled in Adult Education (GED) classes. This study will have a maximum of six participants. If you agree to be in this study, we will ask you to do the following things: • • •

•

One pre-interview (information) session: This meeting will last 45-60 minutes and will NOT be audio recorded. Six in-depth interviews: Interviews will last from 45-90 minutes. All interviews will be audio recorded. Respond to five sets of two take-home questions (essay format/10 questions total): Each set of questions is open-ended and should take no more than 30 minutes to complete. You will receive one set of questions after each interview. You can write as much or as little as you wish. The interviews and take home questions will ask you about your family, school experiences as a student in Mexico and in the United States, and about getting your GED.”

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Total estimated time to participate in study is 15 hours. Risks of being in the study: • The risk associated with this study is no greater than everyday life. Only risk may include the loss of the confidentiality of the research data or failure to ensure the privacy of participants. The researcher will protect against this by following ethical research protocols. Benefits of being in the study: • There will be no benefits for participation in this study. Yet, little information has been gathered about Mexican immigrant students in Adult Education programs. This ethnographic study will provide relevant information about a growing student population in GED programs. Compensation: • There is NO compensation for participation in this study. Confidentiality and Privacy Protections: • Only pseudonyms and participant numbers will be used in all research materials, including take-home questions. Study data will be kept in a locked filing cabinet. Interviews will be conducted in an area not within hearing distance of other people in order to further protect the privacy of participants. • Audio Files: interviews will be audio recorded; (a) Audio files will be coded so that no personally identifying information is visible on them; (b) Audio files will be kept in a secure place (e.g., a locked file cabinet in the investigator’s office); (c) Audio files will be heard or viewed only for research purposes by the investigator and his or her associates; (d) Audio files will be erased after they are transcribed or coded. • The primary researcher (I) will not share any information about participants with those not directly involved in my dissertation project or with other participants. Only a list of the recommendations provided by participants will be shared with ACC Adult Education. • The data resulting from your participation may be made available to other researchers in the future for research purposes not detailed within this consent form. In these cases, the data will contain no identifying information that could associate you with it, or with your participation in any study. • The records of this study will be stored securely and kept confidential. Authorized persons from The University of Texas at Austin and members of the Institutional Review Board have the legal right to review your research records and will protect the confidentiality of those records to the extent permitted by law. All publications will exclude any information that will make it possible to identify you as a subject. Throughout the study, the researchers will notify you of new information that may become available and that might affect your decision to remain in the study. • Conditions under which confidentiality will be broken: criminal activity, child/elder abuse/neglect, or a clear, serious, and direct harm to self or others. Necessary information

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would be reported to faculty supervisor or appropriate professional/ agency. Contacts and Questions: If you have any questions about the study please ask now. If you have questions later, want additional information, or wish to withdraw your participation call the researchers conducting the study. Their names, phone numbers, and e-mail addresses are at the top of this page. If you would like to obtain information about the research study, have questions, concerns, complaints or wish to discuss problems about a research study with someone unaffiliated with the study, please contact the IRB Office at (512) 471-8871 or Jody Jensen, Ph.D., Chair, The University of Texas at Austin Institutional Review Board for the Protection of Human Subjects at (512) 232-2685. Anonymity, if desired, will be protected to the extent possible. As an alternative method of contact, an email may be sent to [emailprotected] or a letter sent to IRB Administrator, P.O. Box 7426, Mail Code A 3200, Austin, TX 78713. You will be given a copy of this information to keep for your records.

FORMULARIO DE CONSENTIMIENTO Título del estudio: Estudiantes Inmigrantes Mexicanos en Clases de GED: Voces de Inmigración y Educación Conducido por: Lucy Guevara Vélez Universidad de Texas en Austin Departamento de Currículum e Instrucción Instrucción Teléfono: 956-206-9677 [emailprotected]

Supervisora: Ángela Valenzuela Universidad de Texas en Austin Departamento de Currículum e Teléfono: 512-232-6008 [emailprotected]

Fuente de Financiamiento: N/A Se le está pidiendo que participe en un estudio de investigación. Este documento le provee información relacionada al estudio. El encargado de este estudio también se lo describirá y podrá contestar todas sus preguntas. Por favor, lea la siguiente información y haga todas las preguntas que tenga antes de decidir si desea participar en este estudio. Su participación es completamente voluntaria. Usted puede negarse a participar o dejar de participar sin sanción ni pérdida de beneficios que le corresponden. Puede dejar de participar en este estudio en cualquier momento sin que se vean afectadas sus relaciones presentes o futuras con la Universidad de Texas en Austin ni con otra agencia afiliada con este estudio. Para retirarse, simplemente dígale al investigador que quiere dejar de participar. El investigador le entregará una copia de este documento para sus archivos. El propósito de este estudio es entender las experiencias educacionales de estudiantes inmigrantes de México que asistieron pero no terminaron la preparatoria en Austin ISD y que ahora están

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inscritos en clases de Educación de Adultos (GED). Este estudio tendrá un máximo de seis participantes. Si usted está de acuerdo en participar en este estudio, le pediremos que haga lo siguiente: • • •

•

Asistir a una (1) sesión de información: La sesión durará entre 45-60 minutos y NO será grabada. Seis (6) entrevistas: Las entrevistas durarán entre 45-90 minutos. Todas las entrevistas serán grabadas por audio. Responder en casa a cinco sets de dos preguntas (formato de ensayo/10 preguntas en total): Cada pregunta será de composición ilimitada y no tomará más de 30 minutos para completar. Recibirá un set de preguntas después de cada entrevista. Puede escribir tanto o tan poco como usted desee. Las entrevistas y preguntas serán sobre su familia, experiencias escolares como estudiante en México y en los Estados Unidos, y sobre la obtención de su GED.

La duración estimada de su participación en este estudio será de 15 horas. Los riesgos de la participación en este estudio: • El riesgo asociado con este estudio no es mayor que el de la vida diaria. El único riesgo es la pérdida de confidencialidad de la información adquirida o falta de garantía de la privacidad de los participantes. El investigador seguirá medidas éticas de investigación para que esto no suceda. Los beneficios de la participación en este estudio: • No hay beneficios por participar en este estudio. Aunque dado a que muy poca información se ha reunido sobre los estudiantes inmigrantes Mexicanos en programas de Educación para Adultos, este estudio etnográfico proveerá información importante sobre un grupo de estudiantes que está creciendo en los programas de GED. Compensación: • NO hay compensación por participar en este estudio. Protección de su Privacidad y Confidencialidad: • Sólo se utilizarán seudónimos y códigos de los participantes en todo el material de la investigación, incluyendo las preguntas de composición ilimitada. La información recolectada será guardada en un archivero con llave. Las entrevistas se llevarán acabo en un lugar donde ninguna otra persona pueda escuchar para así proteger la privacidad de los participantes aun más. • Grabaciones: Las entrevistas serán grabadas por audio. (a) El investigador usará un código para las grabaciones para que no haya información que lo puede identificar; (b) Las grabaciones serán guardadas en un lugar seguro (por ejemplo, un archivero con llave en la oficina del investigador); (c) El investigador (y colegas), verá(n) y escuchará(n) las grabaciones exclusivamente por motivos de investigación; (d) Las grabaciones serán borradas después de ser transcritas o codificadas.

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•

El investigador principal (yo), no compartiré información de los participantes con personas que no estén involucradas en mi proyecto de disertación o con los otros participantes. Solamente se compartirá una lista de recomendaciones con el departamento de Educación de Adultos en ACC. Los datos y resultados de su participación pueden ser compartidos con otros investigadores en el futuro para fines de investigación que no se señalan en este documento. En este caso, los datos no contendrán información que pueda asociarlo con este estudio o cualquier otra investigación. La documentación de este estudio será mantenida de manera segura y confidencial. Personas autorizadas de La Universidad de Texas en Austin y miembros de la Junta de Revisión Institucional para la Protección de Sujetos Humanos (Institutional Review Board) tienen el derecho legal de revisar sus documentos y protegerán la confidencialidad de estos documentos dentro de lo permitido por la ley. Las publicaciones no contendrán información que pueda identificarlo como participante en este estudio. Durante el estudio, el investigador principal le avisará de cualquier información nueva que pueda afectar su decisión de seguir participando. Condiciones por las cuales la confidencialidad puede ser anulada: actividad criminal, abuso/negligencia de niños/ancianos, o un daño serio, y directo a si mismo u otros. La información necesaria será reportada a la supervisora de este estudio o al profesional/agencia apropiado/a.

Preguntas y Contactos: Si usted tiene alguna pregunta acerca de este estudio, por favor hágala ahora mismo. Si más adelante tiene preguntas, quiere más información, o quiere dejar de participar en este estudio, por favor contacte a los investigadores a cargo de este estudio. Sus nombres, números telefónicos y correos electrónicos se encuentran en la primera página de este documento. Si usted desea obtener más información acerca de este estudio, tiene preguntas, dudas, quejas, o simplemente quiere hablar de algún problema relacionado con un estudio de investigación con otra persona ajena al estudio, por favor llame a la Oficina de la Junta de Revisión Institucional (IRB Office) al 512-471-8871 en la Universidad de Texas en Austin. Si desea mantenerse anónimo, se le respetará su deseo en la medida que sea posible. Como alternativa de contacto, puede escribir a la siguiente dirección electrónica [emailprotected] o mandar una carta al IRB Administrator, P.O. Box 7426, Mail Code A 3200, Austin, TX 78713. Se le entregará una copia de esta informacion para sus registros.

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APPENDIX B: INSTRUMENTATION Research Proposal I. II. III.

Title: Mexican Immigrant GED Students: Voices of Immigration and Education Investigator: Lucy Guevara Vélez Hypothesis, Research Questions, or Goals of the Project:

My dissertation research will use qualitative methodologies (specifically narrative inquiry) to document the narratives of education and immigration of Mexican immigrant students who did not complete high school and who are currently enrolled in the General Educational Development (GED) program offered by Austin Community College in Austin, Texas. This study will contribute to the growing body of research that strives to acknowledge the education crisis faced by Mexican immigrant teens in the U.S. public education system. It will address two critical issues in education: 1) the education of Mexican immigrant students, and 2) the high attrition rate (42 percent according to IDRA) among Latina/o students in Texas. In addition to their educational experience, I hope to learn about their immigration story, transition into U.S. society, current situation, and reflections about life in Mexico vs. life in the United States. Although much research has centered on the experience of Mexican immigrant adolescents in U.S. public schools, studies have not documented the lives of these teens after they decide not to complete high school and drop off the public school radar. My proposed study will examine the factors that prompted them to leave high school and later return to ACC Adult Education to complete the GED credential. The significance of the proposed qualitative study is that it will give Adult Basic and Secondary Education programs an ethnographic snapshot of one of their fastest growing student populations. The proposed study will be situated around three main questions: 1. How do Mexican immigrant students negotiate the immigration experience and transition into life and public school in the United States? 2. What were the factors that led these students to leave high school before graduating and later return to complete the GED credential? 3. Now as young adults, how to they continue to negotiate life in the United States and how can adult education programs contribute to their academic development? IV. Background and Significance: The study of Mexican immigrants who did not graduate from high school requires an interdisciplinary review of literature. First, I examine scholarship about the educational experience of Latino/a immigrant youth in U.S. public schools. This also includes literature written specifically about the education of immigrant youth. Second, I 261

review literature only relevant to Latina/o (also Hispanic & Mexican) high school noncompletion and a few journal pieces about immigrant (Latina/o and Mexican origin) noncompleters. In my analysis of the current publications, I found a significant gap. Little qualitative research has been conducted to study the experiences of Mexican immigrant high school non-completers. Last, I felt it necessary to include the topic of the GED credential. Many Mexican immigrant students complete their secondary education through adult education programs and I consider this information to be relevant to my proposed dissertation research. My proposed project may potentially provide important information to GED programs on how to better address the needs of this growing student population. These teens face a myriad of circ*mstances in school. Suárez- Orozco and Suárez Orozco (2001) found that this population faces teacher biases and racism and documented the sentiments of several teachers. One teacher shared, “They give me kids with IQ’s of 60 or 70 and they expect me to help them raise their grades” (p.127). Teachers see these kids as less intelligent, lazy, and not teachable. Academic tracking and high teacher turnover rates are obstacles to constructive teacher-student relationships (Katz, 1999). Urban public schools are not funded appropriately and teachers do not receive training on culturally relevant pedagogy and best practices for English language learners (Valdés, 2001). The youth of immigration must also cope with ethnic teasing and discrimination. They are teased and physically attacked by other peers at schools and neighborhoods simply for being immigrants. Suárez-Orozco (2000) shows that discrimination is one of the most difficult consequences of immigration. Ethnographic studies of the school experiences of immigrant teens also paint a difficult reality. Nancy López’ (2003) study on second generation Caribbean teens in New York City concludes that the framework of institutional expulsion and oppression better explains the low performance of these teens in U.S. public schools. Caribbean adolescents attended vocational high schools with low curriculum programs; felt disengaged, and recognized that they were not being prepared for college tracks (López, 2003, p.43). Teacher biases, ethnic teasing and negative social mirroring affects them daily because they are aware that no matter how well they do, they will always be considered inferior by the mainstream culture. According to López, disengagement does not constitute oppositional behavior. She describes the low academic performance of these students as “willful laziness”, a behavior pattern of disengagement used by immigrant adolescents to cope with institutional discrimination and racism in schools (López, 2003, p.48). The work of scholars like Angela Valenzuela, Laurie Olsen, and Harriet D. Romo has given Mexican immigrant high school students a space to share their experiences, emotions, and aspirations. These ethnographic studies tell of a grim reality for Mexican immigrant teens in U.S. public schools. Despite their effort (empeño) to learn the language, to succeed academically, and to maintain an enabling comparative frame of reference (Ogbu, 1995a, 1995b), Mexican immigrant students leave school 262

early. They struggle with the school environment, the curriculum, and poor studentteacher relationships. Their dissatisfaction turns into utter desertion from school life. Although academic research specifically about Mexican immigrant students who did not complete high school does not exist, the analyses of high school non-completion among Latina/o youth has historically focused on individual factors (i.e. students and their families) and reproduced deficit discourses of Latina/o students as teens with low academic aspirations and oppositional identities. Quantitative research (using either NELS or HSB data sets) has created a multitude of hypotheses or predicting factors to high school non-completion in an attempt to answer why more Latina/o students leave school than other teens. Variables often used include socioeconomic status (SES), ethnic, and family background issues to academic performance, institutional forces, immigration status, delinquency, and early employment, grades, test scores, language proficiency, educational goals, dating (Steinberg, Blinde, & Chan, 1984; Fernandez, Paulsen, & Hirano- Nakanishi, 1989; Vélez, 1999, Driscoll, 1999; Olantunji, 2005). Qualitative studies have provided supplemental, more detailed information for statistical analyses, and many times opposing arguments. For example, Michelle Fine (1991) has led the way in a discussion that truly examines the instructional/ structural factors (within the public school system) that create the high school non-completer. Her critical ethnography found that school policies, practices, and ideologies do not only marginalize and silence students of color but also “push them out” into GED classes, vocational programs, and the military. A similar study by Davison Avilés et al. (1999) gathered information from high school non-completers and found that students shared many reasons for leaving school (truancy, credit issues, participation in school activities, other options, expectations of school personnel, students were facilitated out, pregnancy, and community forces). Flores- González (2002) argues that the current frameworks (deficit, structural, reproduction, resistance/ oppositional) do not truly explain why some students decide to leave school. She suggests that role- identity theory is more useful because it explains how identity formation impacts academic performance of adolescents. Youth will form either identity and schools have the capability to shape school kids or street kids. Many scholars argue that schools construct the high school leaver and non-completion through other policies and practices. Latino males are especially targets of dress code, behavior, and discipline measures (Morris, 2005; López, 2003). The current accountability system also makes Mexican origin students vulnerable to academic failure (Valenzuela, 2000). Also, minority teenagers face an education system that neglects and alienates them (Brown & Rodríguez, 2009). The current education crisis has prompted scholars to examine the value of the GED credential and document how GED programs have moved far from their original purpose. According to Quinn (2002), “The GED has become America’s largest high school, and its cheapest” (p.1). Such discussions could have never been predicted by the 263

Advisory Committee of the Army Institute who first developed the GED test during the early stages of U.S. involvement in World War II. The original GED test was not a credentialing tool, but rather an instrument to aid in the academic placement of military personnel. Academic interest in the GED credential has come primarily from the field of economics and studies are mainly quantitative. Economists and economics journals are most interested in this topic, especially in comparative analyses that differentiate between the wages earned by GED completers and those obtained by high school graduates. Such research has demonstrated that the GED certificate is not equivalent to the traditional high school diploma. Both GED completers and high school non-completers experience high unemployment, low wages, and inferior employment status in the United States (Cameron & Heckman, 1993; Boesel, 1998). Tyler (2003) provided a literature review (of articles published from 1998-2003) that revealed: The GED may encourage some students to leave school early, the economic benefits are higher for students with weak academic skills, research only focuses on short term impact of GED credential, and although not many GED completers continue to postsecondary tracks, the credential does provide completers with access to postsecondary education and vocational training. Other studies refute these claims and affirm that not only does the credential translate into a long-term increase in hourly wages, but also completers are also more likely to participate in vocational training programs, and feel motivated to seek better employment opportunities (Murnane et al., 2000; Hawking, 1995). Qualitative data supports these findings. The benefits gained by enrolling in GED programs can include counseling, relationships with other students and instructors, improved skills, higher levels of satisfaction and optimism, more confidence, and an opportunity to start over, and leave the “dropout” label behind, and access to higher education (Brouillette, 1999; Golden et al., 2005; Ou, 2008). In summary, this study requires an interdisciplinary examination of literature. I use research relevant to the (Latina/o, Hispanic, or Mexican immigrant) educational experience, and high school non-completion (of same population). I also include the topic of the GED credential because the participants of the study are also students in GED classes. My main objective for this study is to identify instructional methods and outreach efforts that support the education of Mexican immigrant youth in adult education settings. V.

Research Method, Design, and Proposed Statistical Analysis:

The proposed study of Mexican immigrant youth who did not complete high school will follow narrative inquiry research methods. Study will include no more than six participants. In order to capture the educational experiences of students who recently did not complete high school, this study will only include participants ages 18-24. 264

Data will be collected through individual (in-depth) interviews and additional takehome questions. My goal is to conduct semi-structured, flexible, and conversational interviews that center on open-ended questions guided by an interview schedule. I have field- tested some of these questions during a pilot study of GED students (in fall 2009) and feel confident that I have the appropriate experience to conduct effective, personable interviews. Interviews will be audio recorded and transcribed. Preliminary transcription will include an interview log in order to capture the main points of the conversations and this will be followed by complete transcription of audio files. I will take brief notes during the interview and will maintain a fieldwork journal with post-interview reflections. Take-home questions will give participants an opportunity to individually reflect and share their educational experiences as Mexican immigrant students who did not complete high school. Data (ethnographic) analysis strategies will include: coding, developing categories (and subcategories) from data, and forming concepts as prescribed by the principles of the Constant Comparative Method (Merriam, 1998). Trustworthiness will be established through member checking, peer debriefing, and by keeping an organized audit trail (Stake, 1995). The results or interpretations of this study will be shared with all participants in order to ensure that they are critical components of this study (Stake, 1995). VI.

Human Subject Interactions

A. Sources of potential participants: I will follow a sampling strategy that is nonprobabilistic and purposeful (Merriam, 1998). Participants will be recruited through GED classes at Austin Community College. I do not expect recruitment and access of participants to be problematic. The GED program supervisor at Austin Community College-Adult Education has welcomed this project and facilitated the recruitment of participants. I hope to gather a small group of students (six participants/ both men and women) in order to ensure a rich description and accurate interpretation rather than generalization (Lichtman, 2006). Recruiting session will inform participants that their participation is voluntary and no consequences will result from their decision not to participate. Participants will be given informed consent information also outlining that their participation is voluntary and they can leave project at any time without any consequences. They will not be vulnerable to coercion. Participants are not vulnerable of being unduly influenced or coerced to participate because no relationship with investigator exists. I am not an instructor at ACC and participants are not my students. Also, the recruiting session will not single out Mexican immigrant students. Students will not feel pressures to participate because of undue influence related to their immigrant status. Characteristics of subject population are: • 6 participants • 3 Men/ 3 Women 265

• • • • •

Ages 18-24 Mexican immigrants Attended some school in Mexico Attended high school in Austin ISD Currently enrolled in GED program at ACC

This is a small qualitative study; therefore in order to reduce variance, participants who do not match the above criteria will be excluded. This project will not require the participation of special classes of participants. Participants are NOT prisoners or residents of correction facilities. Participants are likely to be more fluent in Spanish. All project materials will be available to participants in English and Spanish. B. Procedures for the recruitment of the participants: I will visit as many GED classes at Austin Community College (only located in Austin) to recruit students for this project as my schedule allows. I will begin email contact with individual instructors after GED supervisor at ACC notifies them of my project and upcoming visit to their classes. Date and time of visit will be coordinated with each instructor. Recruiting visit will only take ten minutes and not interfere with the instructional environment. During the recruiting visit, I will: • Introduce myself (as former GED instructor for ACC and current graduate student at UT) • Describe the project and timeline • Provide students with a recruitment flyer (see attachment) • Remain after class ends to answer any questions C. Describe the procedure for obtaining informed consent: A pre-interview session will be held after recruitment, once participants indicate interest, and before research activities begin. These meetings will be held at a time/location chosen by participants. During the pre-interview session, participants will receive complete information about the project and what they will be asked to do. The pre-interview session will not be audio-recorded nor will the interviews begin during this session. The informed consent document will be provided and reviewed in person during this pre-interview meeting. The form will be provided in both English and Spanish. Participants will have an opportunity to ask questions and voice concerns. I will answer all questions to the best of my ability but will also encourage them to contact my faculty supervisor or IRB contacts if my answers do not suffice. I AM REQUESTING A WAIVER OF DOCUMENTATION OF INFORMED CONSENT. I will not ask participants to sign a consent form (active written consent). In order to ensure the privacy and confidentiality of my participants, who may feel uncomfortable in 266

signing documents due to the current sensitivity of immigration issues in this country, I will only ask for their verbal consent. Their verbal consent will be audio recorded and saved. They will record the following statement: I am Participant (identification number) and I have agreed to participate in this project. I give my consent for this interview to be recorded. Participants will receive the informed consent form document in both English and Spanish for their records. People under the age of 18 will NOT participate in this project. D. Research Protocol: 1) Six in-depth interviews: Individual interviews will be scheduled with each participant according to their availability. Interviews will last from 45 minutes to 90 minutes depending of the availability of participants. All interviews will be audio recorded and later transcribed. The participant will also select the location of these interviews. Interviews will not be conducted at an ACC campus nor scheduled during their GED class. Any personally identifying information collected will not be included in the transcription. Pseudonyms will be used instead. Total Time required from each participant: 15 hours •

•

Estimated time for completion of this project is three months. The research information that will be gathered from my participants will include the following topics: 1) GED: NOW & FUTURE: Participants will be asked to describe their current life and enrollment in GED class. I will gather information about how long they have been in the program, how things are going in GED class, impact of GED class on their lives, future goals, difficulties of completing the GED, and sources of motivation. 2) BEFORE ENTERING GED PROGRAM: They will be asked to share what they were doing before enrolling in GED program, how they found out about program, and reasons why they enrolled. 3) SCHOOLING EXPERIENCE: This topic will be divided into three sections: high school, middle school, and elementary. Participants will be asked to share detailed information about their entire educational experience. Since these participants left high school before graduating, they will be given the opportunity to talk about why they left school early. 267

4) IMMIGRATION/TRANSITION TO LIFE IN USA: I will collect their stories of immigration and transition to life in the United States as well as discuss what life is like for a Mexican immigrant student in the United States (in comparison to what life was like Mexico). 5) FAMILY INFORMATION: NOW: This section will be limited to asking participants about whether they have family in Austin, Texas or not in order to get a better idea of what their lives are like. 6) QUESTIONS ABOUT ACC GED PROGRAM: I will ask participants about how they feel in their current instructional setting and the effectiveness of the GED program. 7) OTHER SENTIMENTS–COMPLETION OF GED: Students will be asked to compare the demands of a high school setting to those of a GED class. They will also discuss their sentiments about the education system in the U.S. E. How will you protect the privacy and confidentiality of participants? The privacy and confidentiality of the participants will follow ethical research protocols. I will obtain only verbal consent (using project identification number) from participants rather than written in order to further safeguard their anonymity. They will also be asked to select a pseudonym. Identification numbers or pseudonyms will be used in all transcriptions and reports related to this project. Participants will be informed that they are able to skip any questions during individual interviews or take-home questions. Requests not to be audio recorded will be honored. Location of interviews will be selected to further ensure the privacy of participants. Interview will be conducted in an area not within hearing distance of other people in order to further protect the privacy of participants. Interview questions will not lead to participants’ disclosure of citizenship status. Any information about citizenship disclosed by participants will not be collected. Audio recorder will be stopped to prevent recording of this information. Any information recorded will not be transcribed. Audio files will be deleted after transcription is completed. The primary researcher (I) will not share any information about participants with those not directly involved in my dissertation project or with other participants. Only a list of the recommendations provided by participants will be shared with ACC Adult Education. F. Discuss the procedures that will be used to maintain the confidentiality of the research data: Research data will be locked in a file cabinet and inside a locked office in residence of primary researcher. These will include all responses to take-home questions, transcriptions of audio, and researcher reflections/notes. Completion of project means after acceptance of dissertation. Digital audio files will be saved using the label 268

“Participant #” and not names. Pseudonyms will be used throughout project and included in any notes referencing particular participants. A master key file will not be kept. Pseudonyms will be matched to participants’ number during entire project. I will not link real names to assigned pseudonyms. Digital audio files will be kept in their own USB flash drive and will be stored in a locked file cabinet at the residence of primary researcher. Digital audio files will be deleted after information has been transcribed and coded. Transcriptions of audio recordings and take home question responses will be stored/ archived for three years after study closure with the IRB in the researcher’s locked file cabinet. Videotaping will not be done. Access to research materials is limited to primary researcher and dissertation chair. G. Please describe your research resources: I will not need additional staff or space to complete this project. Equipment required will be a digital audio recorder, computer, and regular office supplies (i.e. notebooks, folders, copy paper). Primary researcher will purchase items. I will need approximately three months to complete this project. I will not need the help of a Spanish interpreter or translator. I am a native speaker of Spanish and have professional experience in English and Spanish translation. This will facilitate communication with subjects and completion of research protocols in Spanish. Research project will NOT require any resources such as emergency facilities, emergency care or medical / psychological care, and any support services. Project is also NOT APPLICABLE for Environmental Health & Safety (EHS) or Institutional Biosafety Committee (IBC) oversight and approval. VII. Describe any potential risks: Potential risks are minimal, no more than risks of daily life. Only risk may include the loss of the confidentiality of the research data or failure to ensure the privacy of participants. The researcher will protect against this by following ethical research protocols as previously outlined in this document. Although this project will not include the participation of minors, I will report any cases of familial/ child abuse to the proper authorities and follow the necessary protocols. This project does not involve a procedure that introduces a physical or psychological risk to participants. I understand that this study may perhaps cause some emotional discomfort for participants because of the in-depth nature of questions but this will be taken into consideration and requests from participants to omit information or not discuss certain things will be honored. To further protect the participants of this project, interview questions will not lead to participants’ disclosure of citizenship status. Any information about citizenship disclosed voluntarily by participants will not be collected. Audio recorder will be stopped to 269

prevent recording of this information. Any information recorded will not be transcribed. Audio files will be deleted after transcription/ coding. Multiple interviews and takehome questions could interrupt their daily schedules but these meetings will be conducted according to participants’ availability and flexible adjustments will be made if their availability changes. VIII. Describe and assess the potential benefits to be gained by participants: There will be no direct benefits towards participants in the study. Yet, little information has been gathered about Mexican immigrant students in Adult Education programs. Academic interest in the GED credential has come primarily from the field of economics and studies are mainly quantitative. This ethnographic study will provide relevant information about a growing student population in GED programs. IX. Indicate the specific sites or agencies involved in the research project besides UT Austin: Sites or agencies that are involved in this project include UT Austin and Austin Community College. Participants will be recruited from GED classes at Austin Community College. Project will not include an evaluation of the ACC –GED program nor will I conduct classroom observations. X. If the project has had or will receive review by another IRB, indicate this. This project has not been reviewed by another IRB nor will it be reviewed by another IRB.

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Interview Script: English A. ABOUT YOU 1) Age: _____________________ 2) Where are you from? 3) How long have you lived in Austin? 4) Who do you live with now? 5) Do you like living in Austin? Why? 6) Describe yourself. (Think of three words that describe you and please explain.) 7) What is your weekly routine? 8) Do you work? If so, where do you work? How long have you worked there? 9) Do you like your job? 10) Was it easy finding a job in Austin? 11) What do you do for fun/hobbies? 12) Do you have family in Austin? 13) How long has your family lived in Austin? 14) Why did your family choose Austin? 15) If your family does not live in Austin, where do they live? (maternal/paternal sides?) 16) Have any of your siblings attended high school in the United States? 17) If they attended a high school in the United States, what high school did they attend? Did they graduate? 18) Do any of your siblings currently attend school? Do they work? Where do they work? 19) What is your role in your family? What is expected of you? 20) Are you single, married? Do you have children? If so, how many? How old are they? B. BEFORE ENROLLING IN GED 1) What did you do before enrolling in the GED program? 2) How/ when did you find out about GED? 3) Why/When did you decide to finish/obtain the GED certificate? 4) Why/When did you decide to enroll in GED courses? 5) Did you look for GED courses in the Austin area? 6) How did you find out about the GED program at ACC? 7) Did someone or something encourage you to enroll? 8) Does anybody in your family have a GED certificate?

C. GED: PRESENT AND FUTURE GOALS 1) How long have you attended the GED program at ACC? 2) Is this your first course? 271

3) Current Room: Campus 4) How are you doing in the course? If the semester just started, how did you do last semester? 5) Describe your GED course. What is a typical day/class like? 6) Do you feel you are improving academically? 7) What improvements have noticed in your academic skills? Please explain at least two. 8) Have you taken any GED tests? When do you want to start taking the tests? 9) What is the most difficult thing about obtaining/finishing the GED certificate? 10) Has anything changed in you or in your life by attending GED courses? 11) What does it mean to you to obtain the GED certificate? Please explain. 12) What does it mean for your family/spouse that you obtain a GED certificate? 13) How is the GED certificate going to help you in the future (three ways) Please explain. 14) What are your goals after obtaining the GED certificate? 15) Who/what keeps you motivated to obtain or finish the GED certificate? 16) What do you want people to know about a GED student? Describe a GED student. 17) Do you have any recommendations for other immigrant students from Mexico that are also enrolled in GED courses? Please explain at least two suggestions. D. GED PROGRAM EVALUATION-ACC 1) When did you enroll? How many courses/places have you enrolled in? Which ones? 2) Why did you choose your current classroom or location? 3) Are you happy with the program? (time, instructor, testing, requirements?) 4) Is the program what you expected? Did anything about the program surprise you? 5) Do you feel comfortable with your instructor and your fellow students? Please explain. 6) Have you made any friends in class? 7) Is the classroom environment focused on the instructor or the students? Please explain why you feel that way. 8) Is the environment flexible, allowing you to ask questions, work with fellow students and make friends? 9) What type of lesson (activity/exercise) do you find to be very effective? 10) What type of lesson (activity/exercise) do you not find to be very effective? 11) Has the program helped you? If so, how? Please explain at least two ways. 12) What programs/opportunities available at ACC Adult Education have helped you? How? 13) Rate your instructor or instructors from one to ten. Why do you give him/her/them that rating? 14) Would you change anything about the program? 15) Please give three recommendations to the GED director at ACC. 272

16) Tell me three benefits of attending a GED course. E. EDUCACIÓN K-12 CHILDHOOD AND ELEMENTARY SCHOOL 1) Where were you born? 2) Where did you live? 3) Did you live in several/different towns/cities in Mexico or only in that one? 4) Who did you live with? 5) Tell me about your childhood in Mexico (age 5-10) Describe your home, neighborhood, town/city. 6) Did you have chores/responsibilities at home? 7) What are your best childhood memories? 8) What did you like or enjoy doing when you were that age? 9) What are your worst/most difficult childhood memories? 10) What did you not enjoy or hate doing when you were that age? 11) Did you attend elementary school in Mexico? 12) Did you attend elementary school in the United States? 13) Describe a typical day in elementary school. Tell me what you remember about this school (classrooms, teachers, lessons, homework, classmates, friends, schedule, tests, rules of behavior/consequences, common , pranks, administrators, principal’s office) 14) Did you like school when you were that age? Please explain. 15) Did you finish elementary school (6th grade) in Mexico? Was there a graduation or ceremony? 16) Do you know anything about elementary school in the United States? 17) In your opinion, is elementary school in the United States the same or different than elementary school in Mexico? Please elaborate. 18) In your opinion, is the life of a child in the United States the same or different than the life of a child in Mexico? Please elaborate. PRE TEEN AND MIDDLE SCHOOL (AGE 11-13) 1) Where did you live? 2) Who did you live with? 3) Tell me about your pre-teen years in Mexico (age 11 12 13)Describe your home/neighborhood/town/city (If different from your home in your elementary school years) 4) Did you have chores/responsibilities at home? 5) ¿What are the best memories from these years of your life? 6) ¿What did you like or enjoy at that age? 7) What are your worst/most difficult memories from these years of your life? 8) What did you not enjoy or hated to do at this age? 9) Did you go to middle school in Mexico or the United States? 10) Do you believe that a lot of children in Mexico continue with middle school? 273

11) IF YOU ATTENDED MIDDLE SCHOOL IN MEXICO FIRST TALK ABOUT MIDDLE SCHOOL IN MEXICO AND THEN TALK ABOUT MIDDLE SCHOOL IN THE UNITED STATES. 12) Where did you attend? How long did you attend (what grades) What type of school was it? 13) Was the school close to where you lived or in the same town or city? 14) Was this school the one you wanted to attend? 15) What middle school options did you have (as a pre-teen) in Mexico? 16) Describe what a typical day was like at school. Tell me about what you remember (favorite subjects/least favorite subjects teachers, lessons, school work, classmates, clicks, friends, tests, rules of behavior/consequences, typical pranks, administrators, principal’s office) 17) What are your best memories from this school? What did you enjoy or really liked about this school? 18) What are your worst memories from this school? What did you enjoy the least or hate about this school? 19) Did you struggle with something (classrooms, teachers, lessons, homework, classmates, friends, clicks, tests, schedule, required courses, rules of behavior, administrators, principal’s office) 20) Were you involved in extra-curricular activities sponsored by the school? Which ones? 21) Did you work while attending this school? Why did you have to work? 22) Where did you work? 23) Was it difficult working while attending school at the same time? 24) What did you do after school? What did you do to have fun during those years in middle school? 25) Did you like school at this age? Please explain. 26) Did you have any professional goals at this time? What were they? What did you want to do when you grew up? 27) Did you finish middle school (9th grade) in Mexico? Was there a graduation/ceremony? 28) If the answer is NO what stopped you from finishing middle school (9th grade) in Mexico? 29) When (what year and what grade) did you stop attending this school? 30) In retrospect, how do you feel now about your middle school experience in Mexico? Was it a good or bad experience? 31) How do you feel about not being able to finish middle school in Mexico? 32) Do you know anything about middle school in the United States? 33) In your opinion, is middle school in the United States the same or different than middle school in Mexico? Please explain. 34) In your opinion, is life for a pre teen (age 11-13) different in the United States than life in Mexico? Please explain. 274

PRE TEEN AND MIDDLE SCHOOL UNITED STATES (AGE 11-13) (SALTAR ESTA SECCION SI NO SE ASISTIO A SECUNDARIA EN ESTADOS UNIDOS) 1) Where did you live? 2) Who did you live with? 3) Tell me about your pre teen years in the United States (age 11 12 13) Describe your home/neighborhood/town/city. 4) Did you have chores/responsibilities at home? 5) What are your best memories from those years of your life? 6) What did you like or enjoy doing at that age? 7) What are your worst/most difficult memories from those years of your life? 8) What did you not enjoy or hated doing at this age? 9) In your opinion, do you believe that children that emigrate from Mexico to the United States enroll in middle school in the United States? 10) Name of the middle school in the United States you attended. ________________________________________ 11) Where was the school located? What type of school was it? 12) How did you end up attending this school? Was this the school you were supposed to attend after elementary or were you just enrolled in it? 13) How long did you attend this school? (What grades?) 14) Was the school close to where you lived? 15) Was this school the one you wanted to attend? 16) What educational choices did you have in Austin? (As an immigrant student from Mexico) 17) Describe your first day in middle school? 18) How did you feel? 19) 20) Did you feel prepared for middle school in the United States? 21) Describe a typical day at this school. Tell me what you remember about this school. (Favorite subjects/least favorite subjects, teachers, lessons, homework, classmates, clicks, friends, tests, the English language, extra-curricular activities, schedule, courses, required courses, rules of behavior, consequences, (typical pranks) administrators, principal’s office) 22) What are your best memories from this school? What did you really enjoy or love about this school? 23) What are your worst memories from this school? What did you enjoy the least or hate about this school? 24) Did you struggle with something? (classrooms, teachers, lessons, homework, classmates, clicks, friends, tests, the English language, extra-curricular activities, schedule, required courses, rules of behavior/consequences, administration, principal’s office.) 25) Did you take the TAKS test? How did you do? 26) Did you participate in extra-curricular activities/sponsored by the school? Which ones? 275

27) Did you work while attending school? Why did you work? 28) Where did you work? 29) Was it difficult to attend school and work at the same time? 30) What did you do after school? What did you do for fun during your middle school years? 31) Did you like school at this age? Please explain. 32) Did you have any professional goals at that time? What were they? What did you want to be when you grew up? 33) Did you finish middle school in the United States? Was there a graduation/ceremony? 34) If the answer is NO what stopped you from finishing middle school (8th grade) in the United States? 35) What happened? Please explain. 36) When (what year and grade) did you stop attending this school? 37) In retrospect, how do you feel now about your middle school experience in the United States? Was your experience in the United States good or bad? 38) How do you feel about not being able to finish middle school in the United States? 39) Do you know anything about middle school in Mexico? 40) In your opinion, is middle school in the United States the same or different tan middle school in Mexico? Please explain. 41) In your opinion, is life for a pre teen (age 11-13) in the United States, different than the life of a pre teen in Mexico? +Questions 42) What grades did you have in middle school? MX _________________ USA___________________ 43) Did you experience bullying for being a student newly arrived from Mexico or for any other reason? Please explain. 44) Were there gangs at your school? Did they harass you? Why did they harass you? 45) Did you receive any additional (one on one) help with your classes? 46) Was tutoring available? Were you required to go to tutoring? Did you attend? 47) Did you receive help form any special program for children newly arrived from Mexico or any other country? 48) Was there a counselor available? Di he/she ever talk to you? Did you go see him/her? What did you talk about? 49) Did you take classes that were special education, regular or advanced? 50) Did you take ESL classes? TEEN YEARS AND HIGH SCHOOL –MEXICO (SKIP IF DID NOT ATTEND HS IN MEXICO) 1) Where did you live? 2) Who did you live with? 276

3) Tell me about your teen years in Mexico (age 13 +)Describe your home/neighborhood/town/city (if different than your pre teen years home) 4) Did you have chores responsibilities at home? 5) What are your best memories from these years of your life? 6) What did you enjoy or like to do at this age? 7) What are your worst/most difficult memories from these years of your life? 8) What did you hate or dislike doing at this age? 9) Did you attend high school in Mexico or in the United States? 10) Do you believe that a lot of teenagers in Mexico attend high school? 11) NOTE: IF ATTENDED HIGH SCHOOL IN MEXICO, DISCUSS HIGH SCHOOL IN MEXICO FIRST THEN HIGH SCHOOL IN USA. 12) What school did you attend? How long did you attend that school (grades) What kind of school was it? 13) Was the school close to where you lived or in the same town/city? 14) Was this the school you wanted to attend? 15) What educational options did you have as a teenager in Mexico for high school? 16) Describe your first day in high school? How did you feel? 17) Did you feel ready for high school? 18) Describe a typical day at this school. Tell me what you remember about this school (favorite/least favorite subjects, favorite /least favorite teachers, lessons (help with) classmates, clicks, friends, tests, schedule, rules of behavior/consequences, (typical pranks)administration, principal’s office) 19) What are your memories from this school? What did you like or really enjoy about this school? 20) What are your worst memories about this school? What did you dislike or enjoy the least about this school? 21) Did you struggle with something (classrooms, teachers, lessons, homework, classmates, friends, clicks, tests, schedule, required courses, rules of behavior, administration, principal’s office?) 22) Did you participate in extra-curricular activities sponsored by the school? Which ones? 23) Did you work while attending school? Why did you work? 24) Where did you work?? 25) Was it difficult to attend high school and work at the same time? 26) What did you do after school? What did you do for fun during those high school years? 27) Did you like school at this age? Please explain. 28) Did you have any professional goals during this time? What were they? What did you want to be when you grew up? 29) Did you finish high school in Mexico or any academic program? Was there a graduation or ceremony? 30) If the answer was NO, what stopped you from finishing high school or an academic program at this school? 277

31) When (what year and grade) did you stop attending this school? 32) In retrospect, how do you feel now about your high school experience in Mexico? Was it a good or a bad your high school experience in Mexico? 33) How do you feel about not being able to finish high school or an academic program at this school? 34) Do you keep contact with anybody from this school (friends, teachers, coaches, administrators?) TEEN YEARS AND HIGH SCHOOL USA Where did you live? 1) Who did you live with? 2) Tell me about your teen years in the United States (age 13 +) Describe your home/neighborhood/town/city. 3) Did you have chores/responsibilities at home? 4) What are your best memories from these years of your life? 5) What did you like or enjoy doing at this age? 6) What are your worst/most difficult memories from these years of your life? 7) What did you dislike or hated doing at this age? 8) Did you attend high school in the United States? 9) Name of the high school in the United States.: ________________________________________ 10) Where was the school located? What type of school was it? 11) How did you end up attending this school? Was this the school you were supposed to attend after elementary or were you just enrolled in it? 12) How long did you attend this school (what grades)? 13) Was this school close to where you lived? 14) Was this school the one you wanted to attend? In your opinion, do you think that teenagers that emigrate from Mexico to the United States enroll in high schools in the United States? 15) What educational options did you have (as an immigrant student from Mexico) in Austin? 16) Describe your first day of high school. How did you feel? 17) Did you feel ready for high school in the United States? 18) Describe a typical day at this school. Tell me what you remember about this school: favorite/least favorite subjects, favorite/least favorite teachers, lessons, homework, (help with) classmates, clicks, friends, tests, English language, extracurricular activities, schedule, required courses, rules of behavior/consequences, (typical pranks) administrators, principal’s office.) 19) What are your best memories from this school? What did you enjoy or love about this school? 20) What are your worst memories about this school? What did you enjoy the least or hate about this school? 278

21) Did you struggle with anything (classrooms, teachers, lessons, homework, classmates, English language, extra-curricular activities, Schedule, required courses, rules of behavior/consequences, administrators, principal’s office?) 22) Did you take the TAKS test? How did you do? 23) Did you participate in extra-curricular acitvities sponsored by the school? Which ones? 24) Did you work while attending school? Why did you work? 25) Where did you work? 26) Was it difficult attending school and working at the same time? 27) What did you do after school? What did you do for fun in your high school years? 28) Did you like school at this age? Please explain. 29) What grades did you have in high school? MX _________________ USA___________________ 30) Did you experience bullying for being a student newly arrived from Mexico or for any other reason? Please explain. 31) Were there any gangs at your high school? Did they harass you? Why did they harass you? 32) Did you receive additional help with your classes? 33) Was there tutoring available? Were you required to go? Did you go? 34) Did you receive any help from a special program for students newly arrived from Mexico (or any other country?) 35) Was there a counselor available? Did he/she ever talk to you or did you go to his/her office? What did you talk about? 36) Did you take special education regular or advanced classes? Did you take ESL classes? 37) Were you enrolled in vocational classes (CATE program?) 38) Did you take any test to obtain credit for a class? Did you do anything to recover credits? (credit recovery) 39) Did you have any professional goals at this time? What were they? What did you want to be when you grew up? 40) Did anybody help/encourage you to think about professional goals? 41) Did anybody guide you about pursuing a career or attend college or university? 42) Did you receive any information about scholarships, admission requirements, financial aid, for college or university? (college and career day)? 43) Were there any information sessions held in Spanish for your parents? 44) If you had a baby during high school, what services did the school provide? 45) Did you finish or graduate from high school in the United Sates? 46) If the answer is no, what kept you from finishing high school in the United States? 47) What happened? Please explain. Did you make the decision on your own? What did your parents/siblings/friends say? 48) When (what year and grade) did you stop attending this school? How was the process? 49) After dropping out from high school, what plans did you have for the future? 279

50) What did you do? What did you want to do? How was your life after dropping out of high school? 51) Did you struggle to find a job? 52) Did anybody from school call you to encourage you to return to school? 53) Did you try to return? Did you have plans to return school? What happened? 54) Did anybody give you information about GED in high school? Who? What did they tell you about the GED program? 55) Do you keep in touch with anybody from this school (friends, teachers, coaches, administrators?)Have you received any information on educational programs from these people? 56) How do you feel about not being able to finish high school in the United States? 57) In retrospect, how do you feel now about your high school experience in the United States? Was it a good or bad experience? 58) If a member of your family or a friend tells you that he/she wants to drop out of school, what would you tell him/her? 59) Do you know anything about what high school is like in Mexico? 60) In your opinion, is high school in the United States the same or different than high school in Mexico? Please explain. 61) In your opinion, is the life of a teenager (age 13 +) in the United States the same or different than the life of a teenager in Mexico? Please explain. F. IMMIGRATION/TRANSITION TO LIFE IN THE UNITED STATES Immigration chronological table Year you arrived:

1º City, State

2º City, State

Mexico o USA Age: 0-5: ___________________________Age 5-10:____________________________ Age: 11-15: ______________________________ Age: 15+:

______________________

1) Did you know people immigrated to the United States when you were a child or teenager? Please explain. 2) What was said about this topic? What was said about the families/people that emigrated? 3) Was it common for people from your town/city to immigrate to the United States? 4) Did you hear stories about people who immigrated or about immigration to the United States? Please explain. 5) According to what you heard or were told, how was life in the United States? 6) Please describe your family’s experience with immigration to the United States. Did a family member emigrate before you did? Who? Why did these people emigrate? Did they help financially? Was this help necessary? 7) As a child or teenager, did you not live with your mother/father/siblings for immigration reasons? How did you feel about this separation from your mother/father/siblings? 8) How did your family feel about immigration to the United States? 280

9) When did you r family decide that you immigrated (moved) to the United States? Why? 10) Did you arrive to the United States by yourself or with family? 11) Age (moved permanently): _________________ Year: ___________________ 12) How did you feel about living in the United States? 13) How did you feel about leaving Mexico (including family and friends?) 14) What city did you arrive in? What were your first impressions about the United States? 15) Once in the United States, what did you want to do? Did you have plans, goals, desires? 16) How was your first year in the United States? 17) What was the best thing about your first year in the United States? 18) What was the most difficult thing about your first year in the United States? 19) What was the biggest change? Please explain. 20) Did anything change significantly in you/your life Please explain. 21) Did anything about your mother/father change (way of living, discipline methods, expectations, routine?) Please explain. 22) Did you miss Mexico? What did you miss about it? 23) What was the best thing about immigrating to the United States? 24) What was the most difficult thing about immigrating to the United States? 25) What do you think today about your family’s decision to immigrate to the United States? 26) Did you have to translate for anybody in your family/neighbors/friends? How did you feel about having this responsibility? 27) Describe Mexican families that live in the United States. Describe your family. 28) In your opinion, what is the most difficult thing for Mexican families in the United States? And for your family? 29) Do you believe that immigrating to the United States affected your studies? How? 30) What is the most difficult thing for young people (your age) that come to the United States? 31) Do you miss Mexico? 32) Would you like (some day) to move back to Mexico? Why? Please explain. When? Where would you go? What would you do? 33) How would your life be in Mexico after living in the United States for so many years? G. FEELINGS ABOUT IMMIGRATION REFORM AND IMMIGRANT RIGHTS 1) Are you interested in immigration reform? Are you up to date about immigration law in the United States? 2) In your opinion what should the U.S. government do? What is the best solution? In your opinion what should Mexico do? What should Mexico do to prevent so many people leaving the country? 3) Have you heard about the DREAM ACT bill? What do you think about it? 281

4) As per your knowledge, what rights do immigrants have in the United States? 5) In your opinion what rights should immigrants have in the United States? 6) In your opinion, do you think immigrants have a right to education in the United States? H. CITIZENSHIP CULTURE AND IDENTITY What is your cultural identity? Why do you identify yourself that way? 1) Do you still feel you are part of Mexico? Why? What aspects of your life make you feel part of Mexico? Please explain. 2) What are your feelings towards Mexico? 3) Do you feel part of the United States? Why? What aspects of your life make you feel part of the United States? Please explain. 4) Do you feel American? Why? What aspects of your life make you feel American? Please explain. 5) What are your feelings towards the United States? 6) Do you feel the United States is your home? Please explain. 7) Do you feel you are a foreigner in the United States? Do you feel excluded in the United States? Do you feel invisible in the United States? In what way? Please explain. 8) Have you ever felt discriminated against in the United States? Any incident/experience in particular? Please explain. How did you feel? 9) Do you feel you have the same opportunities/rights as everybody else in the United States? How about in Mexico? 10) What rights do you have in the United States? 11) Are you interested in what happens in Mexico and its politics? Do you keep up with it? Please explain. 12) Do you have a transnational connection with Mexico (do you travel to Mexico frequently, do you have a business/investments in Mexico, do you actively participate in politics?) 13) Are you interested in what happens in the United States and its politics? Do you keep up with U.S. politics? Please explain. 14) Do you participate in social activism (marches, demonstrations, strikes?) 15) Do you belong to any political/religious/social organization in the United States? 16) What do you believe is your contribution to the United States? 17) Describe your interaction with other ethnic groups in Austin. In your opinion, do you believe Austin is a city where all ethnic groups can live? 18) Compare life in Mexico with life in the United States? 19) What does a young person need to do to get ahead in the United States? 20) What does a young person need to do to get ahead in Mexico? If you were in Mexico right now, what would you be doing to get ahead?

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I. LAST QUESTIONS 1) What do you think about the educational system in the United States (good or bad?) 2) What do you think about the educational system in Mexico (good or bad?) 3) What do you wish for (ideal) for your future in the United States? What do you want for for the future of your family/children in the United States? 4) How do you want your life to be in five years? In ten years? Please explain. 5) What family teachings have you used to get ahead in your studies? 6) Who is the person that has helped you the most to get ahead in your studies? 7) What has been the biggest lesson of all these years in the United States? 8) Do you have a saying that you use to cheer yourself up?

GED 9) How are you doing in your GED class? Several months have passed, how do you feel about the GED class? The GED test? Have you noticed any changes in yourself? Do you feel part of your GED class? 10) How are you doing in your progress tests? Are you satisfied with the results? 11) What subject has been the easiest for your? Which one has been the most difficult? 12) Do you feel your GED teacher undertands you, your life/situation? 13) Do you feel your GED teacher takes the time to get to know you? 14) Do you feel your GED teacher has positive expectations for you? 15) Do you feel your GED teacher cares about you? Please explain. 16) Do the lessons/books include people from Mexico (like you?) 17) How are people from Mexico represented in the books/lessons? How do you feel about that? 18) What do you like about your GED class? What do you dislike about it? 19) Do you plan to attend a GED class in the Summer? 20) Are you absent from GED class? When you are absent, why are you absent? What does the teacher say or do when you are absent to the GED class? If you miss class a lot, what would help you not miss as much? 21) How many students are there in your GED class? What do you think of the class size? 22) When do you want to start taking your GED tests? When do you want to complete the GED course? Do you think you will be able to finish? Please explain. How is this situation different than when you were not able to finish high school? 23) Have you received information about college, majors, financial aid in your GED class? What type of information have you received? 24) Have your professional goals changed since you enrolled in your GED class? How? 25) What value does GED have for you? 283

Guión de Entrevistas: Español A. SOBRE TI 1) Edad: _____________________ 2) ¿De dónde eres? 3) ¿Cuánto tiempo has vivido en Austin? 4) ¿Con quien vives ahora? 5) ¿Te gusta vivir en Austin? ¿Por qué? 6) Descríbete. (Piensa en 3 palabras que te describen y favor de explicar.) 7) ¿Cómo es tu rutina de la semana? 8) ¿Trabajas? ¿En dónde trabajas? ¿Por cuanto tiempo has trabajado en este trabajo? 9) ¿Te gusta tu trabajo? 10) ¿Fue fácil encontrar un trabajo en Austin? 11) ¿Qué haces para divertirte/ pasatiempos? 12) ¿Tienes familia en Austin? 13) ¿Cuánto tiempo ha vivido tu familia en Austin? 14) ¿Por qué tu familia escogió Austin? 15) Si tu familia no vive en Austin, ¿dónde vive (lado materno/paterno)? 16) ¿Alguno de tus hermanos/as fue a una preparatoria en los Estados Unidos? 17) Si fueron a una prepa en EEUU, ¿a cuál y terminaron la preparatoria? 18) ¿Alguno de tus hermanos/as va a la escuela ahora? ¿Trabajan? ¿En dónde? 19) ¿Cuál es tu papel en tu familia? ¿Qué es lo que esperan de ti? 20) ¿Eres soltero o casado? ¿Tienes hijos? ¿Cuantos? ¿De qué edades? B. ANTES DE ENTRAR AL PROGRAMA DE GED 1) ¿Qué hacías antes de que te inscribiste en el programa de GED? 2) ¿Cómo/ Cuándo supiste del certificado de GED? 3) ¿Porqué/ Cuándo decidiste terminar/hacer el certificado del GED? 4) ¿Porqué/ Cuándo decidiste inscribirte en cursos de GED? 5) ¿Buscaste cursos de GED en el área de Austin? 6) ¿Cómo supiste sobre el programa de GED en ACC? 7) ¿Alguien o algo te animo a inscribirte? 8) ¿Hay alguien en tu familia que tenga un certificado de GED? C. GED: AHORA Y METAS FUTURAS 1) 2) 3) 4)

¿Por cuánto tiempo has asistido al programa de GED de ACC? ¿Es este tu primer curso? Salón actual: Campus ¿Cómo te va en la curso? o como el semestre acaba de empezar, ¿cómo te fue el semestre pasado? 5) Describe tu curso de GED. ¿Qué hacen en un día regular/típico? 284

6) ¿Sientes que estas mejorando académicamente? 7) ¿Qué mejoramiento haz notado en tus destrezas académicas? Favor de explicar por lo menos 2. 8) ¿Haz tomado alguna prueba de GED? ¿Para cuándo quieres empezar a tomar las pruebas? 9) ¿Para cuándo quieres terminar el certificado de GED? 10) ¿Qué es lo más difícil de hacer/terminar el certificado de GED? 11) El asistir a clases de GED,¿ha cambiado algo en ti o en tu vida? 12) ¿Qué significa para ti el terminar el certificado de GED? Favor de explicar. 13) ¿Qué significa para tu familia/pareja que tú termines el certificado de GED? 14) ¿Cómo te va a ayudar (3 maneras) el certificado de GED en el futuro? Favor de explicar. 15) ¿Qué quieres hacer (tus metas) después de obtener el certificado de GED? 16) ¿Quién/ qué te mantiene motivado/animado para terminar el GED? 17) ¿Qué quieres que la gente sepa de un estudiante de GED? Describe al estudiante de GED. 18) Tienes algunas recomendaciones para otros estudiantes inmigrantes de México que también están inscritos en cursos de GED? Favor de explicar por lo menos 2. D. EVALUACION DEL PROGRAMA DE GED-ACC 1) ¿Cuándo te inscribiste? ¿En cuantos cursos/lugares te has inscrito? ¿Cuáles? 2) ¿Por qué escogiste tu salón/lugar actual? 3) ¿Estas contento con el programa (hora de clase, instructor, pruebas, requisitos)? 4) ¿El programa es lo que esperabas? ¿Te sorprendió algo del programa? 5) ¿Te sientes cómodo/a con tu instructor y compañeros? Favor de explicar. 6) ¿Has hecho amigos/amigas en clase? 7) ¿El ambiente del salón esta centrado en el instructor o en los estudiantes? Favor de explicar porque piensas esto. 8) ¿El ambiente del curso es flexible, te permite hacer preguntas, trabajar con compañeros, y hacer amigos? 9) ¿Qué tipo de lección (actividad/ejercicio) es muy efectiva? 10) ¿Qué tipo de lección (actividad/ejercicio) NO es muy efectiva? 11) ¿Te ha ayudado el programa? ¿Cómo? Favor de explicar por lo menos 2 maneras. 12) ¿Cuáles programas/ oportunidades que tiene ACC-Educación de Adultos te han ayudado? ¿Cómo? 13) Califica a tu instructor o instructores (del 1-10) ¿Por qué le(s) das esta calificación? 14) ¿Cambiarias algo del programa? 15) Favor de darle tres (3) recomendaciones al director del GED en ACC. 16) Dime tres (3) beneficios de asistir a un curso de GED.

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E. EDUCACIÓN K-12 NIÑEZ & ESCUELA PRIMARIA 1) ¿Dónde naciste? 2) ¿Dónde vivías? 3) ¿Viviste en varios pueblos/ciudades en México o solamente en este/a? 4) ¿Con quien vivías? 5) Háblame de tu niñez en México (edad 5-10). Describe tu hogar/vecindad/pueblo/ ciudad. 6) ¿Tenías quehaceres/ responsabilidades en tu casa? 7) ¿Cuales son tus mejores recuerdos de tu niñez? 8) ¿Qué te gustaba hacer o disfrutabas a esta edad? 9) ¿Cuales son tus peores/ más difíciles recuerdos de tu niñez? 10) ¿Que no te gustaba hacer u odiabas a esta edad? 11) ¿Fuiste a la primaria en México? 12) ¿Fuiste a la primaria en EEUU? 13) Describe como era un día típico en la primaria. Háblame de lo que recuerdas de esta escuela: (salones, maestros, lecciones, tareas, compañeros, amigos, pruebas, horario, reglas de comportamiento/consecuencias (+travesuras típicas) directores, dirección). 14) ¿Te gustaba la escuela a esta edad? Favor de explicar. 15) ¿Terminaste la primaria (6to grado) en México? ¿Hubo una graduación/ceremonia? 16) ¿Sabes algo sobre como es la escuela primaria en los EEUU? 17) En tu opinión, es la primaria en los EEUU igual o diferente que en México? Favor de explicar. 18) En tu opinión, es la vida de un niño en los EEUU igual o diferente que en México? Favor de explicar. PRE-ADOLESCENCIA & SECUNDARIA- MEXICO (EDAD 11-13) 1) ¿Dónde vivías? 2) ¿Con quién vivías? 3) Háblame sobre tus años de pre-adolescencia en México (edad 11-12-13). Describe tu hogar/ vecindad/ pueblo/ ciudad. (Si es diferente al hogar de tu niñez.) 4) ¿ Tenías quehaceres/ responsabilidades en tu casa? 5) ¿Cuales son tus mejores recuerdos de estos años de tu vida? 6) ¿Qué te gustaba hacer o disfrutabas a esta edad? 7) ¿Cuales son tus peores/ más difíciles recuerdos de estos años de tu vida? 8) ¿Qué no te gustaba hacer u odiabas a esta edad? 9) ¿Fuiste a la secundaria en México o en los EEUU? 10) ¿Crees que muchos niños en México siguen/van a la secundaria? 11) NOTE: IF ATTENDED MIDDLE SCHOOL IN MEXICO, DISCUSS MIDDLE SCHOOL IN MEXICO FIRST THEN MIDDLE SCHOOL IN USA. 286

12) ¿A dónde fuiste? ¿Por cuánto tiempo fuiste (que grados)? ¿Qué tipo de escuela era? 13) ¿Estaba esta escuela cerca de donde tu vivías o en el mismo pueblo/ciudad? 14) ¿Esta era la escuela a la que querías asistir? 15) ¿Qué opciones educativas tenias (como pre-adolescente) en México para la secundaria? 16) Describe como era un día típico en esta escuela. Háblame de lo que recuerdas de esta escuela: (favoritas/peores materias, maestros, lecciones, tareas, compañeros, clicks, amigos, pruebas, horario, reglas de comportamiento/consecuencias (+travesuras típicas) directores, dirección). 17) ¿Cuáles son tus mejores recuerdos de esta escuela? ¿Qué disfrutaste o te encantaba de esta escuela? 18) ¿Cuáles son tus peores recuerdos de esta escuela? ¿ Que fue lo menos que disfrutaste u odiabas de esta escuela? 19) ¿Batallaste con algo (salones, maestros, lecciones, tareas, compañeros, amigos, clicks, pruebas, horario, cursos requeridos, reglas de comportamiento, directores, dirección)? 20) ¿Participabas en actividades extra-escolares/ auspiciadas por la escuela? ¿Cuáles? 21) ¿Trabajabas mientras ibas a esta escuela? ¿Por qué trabajabas? 22) ¿Dónde trabajabas? 23) ¿Era difícil ir a la secundaria y trabajar? 24) ¿Qué hacías después de clases? ¿Qué hacías para divertirte durante estos años en la secundaria? 25) ¿Te gustaba la escuela a esta edad? Favor de explicar. 26) ¿Tenias algunas metas profesionales durante este tiempo? ¿Cuáles eran? ¿Qué querías hacer cuando fueras grande? 27) ¿Terminaste la secundaria (9º grado) en México? ¿Hubo una graduación/ ceremonia? 28) Si la respuesta es NO, que no te dejo terminar la secundaria (9º grado) en México? 29) ¿Cuándo (en qué año y grado) dejaste de ir a esta escuela? 30) Retrospectivamente, ¿cómo te sientes ahora de tu experiencia en la secundaria en México? ¿Fue buena o mala tu experiencia en la secundaria en México? 31) ¿Cómo te sientes de no haber podido terminar la secundaria en México? 32) ¿Sabes algo de cómo es la secundaria en los EEUU? 33) En tu opinión, es la secundaria en los EEUU igual o diferente que en México? Favor de explicar. 34) En tu opinión, es la vida de un pre-adolescente (edad 11-13) en los EEUU igual o diferente que en México? Favor de explicar.

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PRE-ADOLESCENCIA & SECUNDARIA- EEUU (EDAD 11-13) (SKIP IF DID NOT ATTEND MS IN USA) 1) ¿Dónde vivías? 2) ¿Con quién vivías? 3) Háblame sobre tus años de pre-adolescencia en EEUU (edad 11-12-13). Describe tu hogar/ vecindad/ pueblo/ ciudad. 4) ¿ Tenías quehaceres/ responsabilidades en tu casa? 5) ¿Cuales son tus mejores recuerdos de estos años de tu vida? 6) ¿Qué te gustaba hacer o disfrutabas a esta edad? 7) ¿Cuales son tus peores/ más difíciles recuerdos de estos años de tu vida? 8) ¿Qué no te gustaba hacer u odiabas a esta edad? 9) ¿Fuiste a la secundaria en los EEUU? 10) En tu opinión, ¿Crees que los niños que inmigran de México a los EEUU se inscriben en secundarias en los EEUU? 11) Nombre de la escuela secundaria en los EEUU: ________________________________________ 12) ¿En dónde estaba la escuela? ¿Qué tipo de escuela era? 13) ¿Cómo llegaste a estar en esa escuela? ¿Entraste después de terminar la primaria o te inscribieron directamente a esta secundaria? 14) ¿Por cuánto tiempo fuiste a esta escuela (qué grados)? 15) ¿Estaba esta escuela cerca de donde tu vivías? 16) ¿Esta era la escuela a la que querías asistir? 17) ¿Qué opciones educativas tenias (como estudiante inmigrante de México) en Austin? 18) Describe tu primer día de secundaria. ¿Cómo te sentías? 19) ¿Te sentías preparado para la secundaria en los EEUU? 20) Describe como era un día típico en esta escuela. Háblame de lo que recuerdas de esta escuela: (favoritas/peores materias, maestros, lecciones, tareas, compañeros, clicks, amigos, pruebas, idioma inglés, actividades extra-escolares, horario, cursos requeridos, reglas de comportamiento/consecuencias (+travesuras típicas) directores, dirección). 21) ¿Cuáles son tus mejores recuerdos de esta escuela? ¿Qué disfrutaste o te encantaba de esta escuela? 22) ¿Cuáles son tus peores recuerdos de esta escuela? ¿ Qué fue lo menos que disfrutaste u odiabas de esta escuela? 23) ¿Batallaste con algo (salones, maestros, lecciones, tareas, compañeros, clicks, amigos, pruebas, idioma inglés, actividades extra-escolares, horario, cursos requeridos, reglas de comportamiento/consecuencias, directores, dirección) 24) ¿Tomaste la prueba TAKS? ¿Cómo te fue? 25) ¿Participabas en actividades extra-escolares/ auspiciadas por la escuela? ¿Cuáles? 26) ¿Trabajabas mientras ibas a esta escuela? ¿Por qué trabajabas? 288

27) ¿Dónde trabajabas? 28) ¿Era difícil ir a la secundaria y trabajar? 29) ¿Qué hacías después de clases? ¿Qué hacías para divertirte durante estos años en la secundaria? 30) ¿Te gustaba la escuela a esta edad? Favor de explicar. 31) ¿Tenias algunas metas profesionales durante este tiempo? ¿Cuáles eran? ¿Qué querías hacer cuando fueras grande? 32) ¿Terminaste la secundaria (8º grado) en los EEUU? ¿Hubo una graduación/ ceremonia? 33) Si la respuesta es NO, que no te dejo terminar la secundaria (8º grado) en los EEUU? 34) ¿Qué paso? Favor de explicar. 35) ¿Cuándo (en qué año y grado) dejaste de ir a esta escuela? 36) Retrospectivamente, ¿cómo te sientes ahora de tu experiencia en la secundaria en los EEUU? ¿Fue buena o mala tu experiencia en la secundaria en los EEUU? 37) ¿Cómo te sientes de no haber podido terminar la secundaria en los EEUU? 38) ¿Sabes algo de cómo es la secundaria en México? 39) En tu opinión, es la secundaria en los EEUU igual o diferente que en México? Favor de explicar. 40) En tu opinión, es la vida de un pre-adolescente (edad 11-13) en los EEUU igual o diferente que en México? Favor de explicar. + Preguntas 41) ¿Qué calificaciones tenias en la secundaria? MX _________________ EEUU___________________ 42) ¿Experimentaste abuso (bullying) por ser un estudiante recién llegado de México o por cualquier razón? Favor de explicar. 43) ¿Había pandillas en tu secundaria? ¿Te molestaban? ¿Por qué te molestaban? 44) ¿Recibiste ayuda adicional (1-1) en tus clases? 45) ¿Había tutoría disponible? ¿Los maestros te dijeron que fueras? ¿Ibas? 46) ¿Recibías ayuda del algún programa especial para niños recién llegados de México (o otros países)? 47) ¿Había un consejero disponible? ¿Alguna vez hablo contigo o fuiste a verlo? ¿Sobre qué? 48) ¿Tenías clases Especiales, Regulares, o Avanzadas? 49) ¿Tenias clases de ESL? ADOLESCENCIA & PREPARATORIA –MEXICO (SKIP IF DID NOT ATTEND HS IN MEXICO) 1) ¿Dónde vivías? 2) ¿Con quién vivías? 289

3) Háblame sobre tus años de adolescencia en México (edad 13+). Describe tu hogar/ vecindad/ pueblo/ ciudad. (Si es diferente al hogar de tu pre-adolescencia.) 4) ¿ Tenías quehaceres/ responsabilidades en tu casa? 5) ¿Cuales son tus mejores recuerdos de estos años de tu vida? 6) ¿Qué te gustaba hacer o disfrutabas a esta edad? 7) ¿Cuales son tus peores/ más difíciles recuerdos de estos años de tu vida? 8) ¿Qué no te gustaba hacer u odiabas a esta edad? 9) ¿Fuiste a la preparatoria en México o en los EEUU? 10) ¿Crees que muchos adolescentes en México siguen/van a la preparatoria? 11) NOTE: IF ATTENDED HIGH SCHOOL IN MEXICO, DISCUSS HIGH SCHOOL IN MEXICO FIRST THEN HIGH SCHOOL IN USA. 12) ¿A dónde fuiste? ¿Por cuánto tiempo fuiste (que grados)? ¿Qué tipo de escuela era? 13) ¿Estaba esta escuela cerca de donde tu vivías o en el mismo pueblo/ciudad? 14) ¿Esta era la escuela a la que querías asistir? 15) ¿Qué opciones educativas tenias (como adolescente) en México para la preparatoria? 16) Describe tu primer día de preparatoria. ¿Cómo te sentías? 17) ¿Te sentías preparado para la preparatoria? 18) Describe como era un día típico en esta escuela. Háblame de lo que recuerdas de esta escuela: (favoritas/peores materias, maestros favoritos/ menos favoritos, lecciones, tareas (ayuda), compañeros, clicks, amigos, pruebas, horario, reglas de comportamiento/consecuencias (+travesuras típicas) directores, dirección). 19) ¿Cuáles son tus mejores recuerdos de esta escuela? ¿Qué disfrutaste o te encantaba de esta escuela? 20) ¿Cuáles son tus peores recuerdos de esta escuela? ¿ Qué fue lo menos que disfrutaste u odiabas de esta escuela? 21) ¿Batallaste con algo (salones, maestros, lecciones, tareas, compañeros, amigos,clicks, pruebas, horario, cursos requeridos, reglas de comportamiento, directores, dirección)? 22) ¿Participabas en actividades extra-escolares/ auspiciadas por la escuela? ¿Cuáles? 23) ¿Trabajabas mientras ibas a esta escuela? ¿Por qué trabajabas? 24) ¿Dónde trabajabas? 25) ¿Era difícil ir a la preparatoria y trabajar? 26) ¿Qué hacías después de clases? ¿Qué hacías para divertirte durante estos años en la preparatoria? 27) ¿Te gustaba la escuela a esta edad? Favor de explicar. 28) ¿Tenias algunas metas profesionales durante este tiempo? ¿Cuáles eran? ¿Qué querías hacer cuando fueras grande? 29) ¿Terminaste la preparatoria en México o terminaste algún programa académico? ¿Hubo una graduación/ ceremonia? 30) Si la respuesta es NO, que no te dejo terminar la preparatoria o algún programa académico en esta escuela? 290

31) ¿Cuándo (en qué año y grado) dejaste de ir a esta escuela? 32) Retrospectivamente, ¿cómo te sientes ahora sobre tu experiencia en la preparatoria en México? ¿Fue buena o mala tu experiencia en la preparatoria en México? 33) ¿Cómo te sientes de no haber podido terminar la preparatoria o terminar algún programa académico en esta escuela? 34) ¿ Todavía te mantienes en contacto con alguien de esta escuela (amigos, maestros, entrenadores, directores). ADOLESCENCIA & PREPARATORIA -EEUU 1) ¿Dónde vivías? 2) ¿Con quién vivías? 3) Háblame sobre tus años de adolescencia en EEUU (edad 13+). Describe tu hogar/ vecindad/ pueblo/ ciudad. 4) ¿ Tenías quehaceres/ responsabilidades en tu casa? 5) ¿Cuales son tus mejores recuerdos de estos años de tu vida? 6) ¿Qué te gustaba hacer o disfrutabas a esta edad? 7) ¿Cuales son tus peores/ más difíciles recuerdos de estos años de tu vida? 8) ¿Qué no te gustaba hacer u odiabas a esta edad? 9) ¿Fuiste a la preparatoria en los EEUU? 10) Nombre de la preparatoria en los EEUU: ________________________________________ 11) ¿En dónde estaba la escuela? ¿Qué tipo de escuela era? 12) ¿Cómo llegaste a estar en esta escuela? ¿Entraste después de terminar la secundaria o te inscribieron directamente a esta preparatoria? 13) ¿Por cuánto tiempo fuiste a esta escuela (qué grados)? 14) ¿Estaba esta escuela cerca de donde tu vivías? 15) ¿Esta era la escuela a la que querías asistir? 16) En tu opinión, ¿Crees que los adolescentes que inmigran de México a los EEUU se inscriben en preparatorias en los EEUU? 17) ¿Qué opciones educativas tenias (como estudiante inmigrante de México) en Austin? 18) Describe tu primer día de preparatoria. ¿Cómo te sentías? 19) ¿Te sentías preparado para la preparatoria en los EEUU? 20) Describe como era un día típico en esta escuela. Háblame de lo que recuerdas de esta escuela: (favoritas/peores materias, maestros favoritos/menos favoritos, lecciones, tareas (ayuda), compañeros, clicks, amigos, pruebas, idioma inglés, actividades extra-escolares, horario, cursos requeridos, reglas de comportamiento/consecuencias (+travesuras típicas) directores, dirección). 21) Cuáles son tus mejores recuerdos de esta escuela? ¿Qué disfrutaste o te encantaba de esta escuela? 22) ¿Cuáles son tus peores recuerdos de esta escuela? ¿ Qué fue lo menos que disfrutaste u odiabas de esta escuela? 291

23) ¿Batallaste con algo (salones, maestros, lecciones, tareas, compañeros, clicks, amigos, pruebas, idioma inglés, actividades extra-escolares, horario, cursos requeridos, reglas de comportamiento/consecuencias, directores, dirección)? 24) Tomaste la prueba TAKS? ¿Cómo te fue? 25) ¿Participabas en actividades extra-escolares/ auspiciadas por la escuela? ¿Cuáles? 26) ¿Trabajabas mientras ibas a esta escuela? ¿Por qué trabajabas? 27) ¿Dónde trabajabas? 28) ¿Era difícil ir a la preparatoria y trabajar? 29) ¿Qué hacías después de clases? ¿Qué hacías para divertirte durante estos años en la preparatoria? 30) ¿Te gustaba la escuela a esta edad? Favor de explicar. 31) ¿Qué calificaciones tenias en la preparatoria? MX _________________ EEUU___________________ 32) ¿Experimentaste abuso (bullying) por ser un estudiante recién llegado de México o por cualquier razón? Favor de explicar. 33) ¿Había pandillas en tu preparatoria? ¿Te molestaban? ¿Por qué te molestaban? 34) ¿Recibiste ayuda adicional (1-1) en tus clases? 35) ¿Había tutoría disponible? ¿Los maestros te dijeron que fueras? ¿Ibas? 36) ¿Recibías ayuda del algún programa especial para niños recién llegados de México (o otros países)? 37) ¿Había un consejero disponible? ¿Alguna vez hablo contigo o fuiste a verlo? ¿Sobre qué? 38) ¿Tenías clases Especiales, Regulares, o Avanzadas? ¿Tenias clases de ESL? 39) ¿Te pusieron en clases vocacionales (programa CATE)? 40) ¿Tomaste algún examen para recibir crédito para alguna clase? ¿Hiciste alguna cosa para recobrar créditos (credit recovery)? 41) ¿Tenias algunas metas profesionales durante este tiempo? ¿Cuáles eran? ¿Qué querías hacer cuando fueras grande? 42) ¿Alguien te ayudo/ animo a pensar en tus metas profesionales? 43) ¿Alguien te oriento sobre estudiar una carrera o ir a la universidad/colegio? 44) ¿Te informaron de becas, requisitos de admisión, ayuda financiera para la universidad/colegio (college and career day)? 45) ¿Hubo sesiones de información en español para tus padres? 46) Si tuviste un bebe durante la preparatoria, ¿qué servicios te dio la escuela? 47) ¿Terminaste o te graduaste de la preparatoria en los EEUU? 48) Si la respuesta es NO, que no te dejo terminar la preparatoria en los EEUU? 49) ¿Qué paso? Favor de explicar. ¿Tomaste la decisión tu solo? ¿Qué dijeron tus papás/hermanos/amigos? 50) ¿Cuándo (en qué año y grado) dejaste de ir a esta escuela? ¿Cómo fue el proceso? 51) Después de que dejaste de ir a la prepa, ¿qué planes tenias para el futuro? 52) ¿Qué hiciste? ¿Qué querías hacer? ? ¿Cómo fue tu vida después de que dejaste la escuela? 53) ¿Batallaste para encontrar trabajo? 292

54) ¿Te llamo alguien de la escuela para animarte a regresar? 55) ¿Trataste de regresar? ¿Tenias planes para regresar a la escuela? ¿Y qué paso? 56) ¿Alguien te dio información sobre el GED en la prepa? ¿Quién? ¿Qué te dijeron sobre el GED? 57) ¿Todavía te mantienes en contacto con alguien de esta escuela (amigos, maestros, entrenadores, directores). ¿Has recibido información de programas educativos de estas personas? 58) ¿Cómo te sientes de no haber podido terminar la preparatoria en los EEUU? 59) Retrospectivamente, ¿cómo te sientes ahora de tu experiencia en la preparatoria en los EEUU? ¿Fue buena o mala tu experiencia en la preparatoria en los EEUU? 60) Si alguien de tu familia o un amigo te dice que quiere o tiene que dejar la escuela, qué le dirías? 61) ¿Sabes algo de cómo es la preparatoria en México? 62) En tu opinión, es la preparatoria en los EEUU igual o diferente que en México? Favor de explicar. 63) En tu opinión, ¿es la vida de un adolescente (edad 13+) en los EEUU igual o diferente que en México? Favor de explicar. F. EMIGRACION/TRANSICION A UNA VIDA EN LOS EEUU Tabla cronológica de inmigración: Año que llegaste:

1º Ciudad, Estado

2º Ciudad, Estado

¿México o EEUU? Edad: 0-5: ___________________________Edad 5-10:____________________________ Edad: 11-15:______________________________ Edad: 15+:

______________________

1) Cuando eras niño o adolescente, ¿sabias que la gente emigraba para los EEUU? Favor de explicar. 2) ¿Qué se decía sobre este tema? ¿Qué se decía de la gente/familias que emigraban? 3) Era común para la gente de tu pueblo/ciudad emigrar a los EEUU? 4) ¿Llegaban historias de los emigrantes o de la emigración a los EEUU? Favor de explicar. 5) Según lo que tú escuchabas o lo que te decían, ¿cómo era la vida en los EEUU? 6) Por favor describe la experiencia de tu familia con la emigración a los EEUU?¿Algún miembro de tu familia emigro a los EEUU antes que tu? ¿Quién? ¿Por qué emigraron estas personas? ¿Estas personas ayudaban económicamente? ¿Era necesaria esta ayuda? 7) ¿De niño o adolescente no viviste con tu mamá/papá/ hermanos por razones de emigración? ¿Cómo te sentías sobre esta separación (de tu mamá/papá/hermanos)? 8) ¿Cómo se sentía tu familia sobre la emigración a los EEUU? 9) ¿Cuándo decidió tu familia que tu emigraras (fueras a vivir) a los EEUU? ¿Por qué? 10) Llegaste a los EEUU solo o con personas de tu familia? 293

11) Edad (emigración permanente): _________________ Año: ___________________ 12) ¿Cómo te sentías de irte a vivir a los EEUU? 13) ¿Cómo te sentiste de dejar México (incluyendo a familia y amigos)? 14) ¿A que ciudad llegaste? ¿Cuáles fueron tus primeras impresiones de los EEUU? 15) Ya en los EEUU, ¿qué querías hacer? ¿Tenias deseos, planes, metas? 16) ¿Cómo fue tu primer año en los EEUU? 17) ¿Qué fue lo mejor de tu primer año en los EEUU? 18) ¿Qué fue lo más difícil de tu primer año en los EEUU? 19) ¿Cuál fue el cambio más grande? Favor de explicar. 20) ¿Cambio algo en ti/ de tu vida significantemente? Favor de explicar. 21) ¿Cambio algo en tu mamá/papá (manera de vivir, métodos para disciplinarte, expectativas, rutina)? Favor de explicar. 22) ¿Extrañabas México? ¿Qué extrañabas? 23) ¿Qué fue lo mejor de haber emigrado a los EEUU? 24) ¿Qué fue lo más difícil de haber emigrado a los EEUU? 25) El día de hoy, ¿qué piensas sobre la decisión que tomó tu familia de emigrar a los EEUU? 26) ¿Tenias que traducir para alguien en tu familia/ vecinos/ amigos? ¿Cómo te sentías de tener esta responsabilidad? 27) Describe a las familias Mexicanas que viven en los EEUU? Describe a tu familia. 28) En tu opinión, ¿qué es lo más difícil para las familias Mexicanas en los EEUU? ¿Y para tu familia? 29) ¿Crees que la experiencia migratoria afecto tus estudios? ¿Cómo? 30) ¿Qué es lo más difícil para los jóvenes que llegan a los EEUU (a la misma edad que tu)? 31) ¿ Extrañas México? 32) ¿Te gustaría (algún día) regresarte a vivir a México? ¿Por qué? Favor de explicar. ¿Cuándo? ¿Adónde irías? ¿Qué harías? 33) ¿Cómo seria tu vida en México después de haber vivido tantos años en EEUU? G. SENTIMIENTOS -REFORMA MIGRATORIA Y DERECHOS DE LOS MIGRANTES 1) ¿Te interesa la reforma migratoria? ¿Te mantienes informado sobre las leyes de inmigración en los EEUU? 2) En tu opinión, ¿qué debe hacer el gobierno de EEUU? ¿Cuál es la mejor solución (EEUU)? En tu opinión, ¿qué debe hacer México? ¿Que debe hacer México para que no tanta gente deje el país? 3) ¿Sabes sobre la propuesta de ley: DREAM ACT? ¿Qué piensas sobre esta propuesta? 4) Según tu conocimiento, ¿qué derechos tienen los inmigrantes en los EEUU? 5) En tu opinión, ¿qué derechos deberían tener los inmigrantes en los EEUU? 294

6) En tu opinión, ¿Crees que los migrantes tiene derecho a la educación en los EEUU? H. CIUDADANIA CULTURAL E IDENTIDAD 1) ¿Cuál es tu identidad cultural?¿Por que te identificas de esta manera? 2) ¿Todavía te sientes parte de México? ¿Por qué? ¿Qué cosas en tu vida te hacen sentir parte de México? Favor de explicar. 3) ¿Qué sientes por México? 4) ¿Te sientes parte de los EEUU? ¿Por qué? ¿Qué cosas en tu vida te hacen sentir parte de los EEUU? Favor de explicar. 5) ¿Te sientes estadounidense/ americano? ¿Por qué?¿Qué cosas en tu vida te hacen sentir estadounidense / americano? Favor de explicar. 6) ¿Qué sientes por EEUU? 7) ¿Sientes que EEUU es tu casa/ hogar? ¿Por qué? Favor de explicar. 8) ¿Te sientes como extranjero en los EEUU? ¿Te sientes excluido en los EEUU? ¿Te sientes invisible en los EEUU? ¿De qué manera? Favor de explicar. 9) ¿Te has sentido discriminado en los EEUU? ¿Alguna experiencia/incidente en particular? Favor de explicar. ¿Cómo te sentiste? 10) ¿Sientes que tienes igualdad de oportunidades/ derechos en EEUU? ¿Y en México? Favor de explicar. 11) ¿Qué derechos sientes que tienes en los EEUU? 12) ¿Te interesa lo que pasa en México y la política nacional Mexicana? ¿Te mantienes informado? Favor de explicar. 13) ¿Tienes una conexión transnacional con México (viajas a México frecuentemente, tienes negocios/inversiones en México, participas activamente en le política, etc.)? 14) ¿Te interesa lo que pasa en EEUU y la política nacional EEUU? ¿Te mantienes informado? Favor de explicar. 15) ¿Participas en activismo social (marchas, demostraciones, huelgas)? 16) ¿Eres parte de alguna organización política/social/religiosa en EEUU? 17) ¿Cual crees que es tu contribución a los EEUU? 18) Describe tu interacción con otros grupos étnicos en Austin. ¿En tu opinión, crees que Austin es una ciudad donde todos los grupos étnicos pueden vivir? 19) Compara la vida en México con la vida en EEUU. 20) ¿Qué tiene que hacer un joven de tu edad para salir adelante en los EEUU? 21) ¿Qué tiene que hacer un joven de tu edad para salir adelante en México? ¿Si estuvieras en México hoy, que estarías haciendo para salir adelante? I. ULTIMAS PREGUNTAS 1) ¿Qué piensas sobre el sistema educativo en los EEUU (bueno o malo)? 2) ¿Qué piensas sobre el sistema educativo en México (bueno o malo)? 3) ¿Qué deseas para tu futuro (ideal) en los EEUU? ¿Qué deseas para el futuro de tu familia/ hijos en los EEUU? 295

4) 5) 6) 7) 8)

¿Cómo deseas que sea tu vida en 5 años? ¿En 10 años? Favor de explicar. ¿Qué enseñanzas de tu familia has usado para salir adelante en tus estudios? ¿Quién es la persona que más te ha ayudado a salir adelante con tus estudios? ¿Qué ha sido la mejor enseñanza de estos años en EEUU? ¿Tienes algún dicho que usas para animarte a ti mismo?

GED 9) ¿Cómo te va en la clase de GED? Ya pasaron varios meses, ¿cómo te sientes de la clase de GED? ¿del examen del GED? ¿Has notado algún cambio en ti? ¿Te sientes parte de tu clase de GED? 10) ¿Cómo te ha ido en las pruebas de progreso (progress tests)? ¿Estas satisfecho/a? 11) ¿Cuál ha sido la materia más fácil para ti? ¿Cuál ha sido la materia más difícil para ti? 12) ¿Sientes que tu maestro de GED te comprende, comprende tu vida/ situación? 13) ¿Sientes que tu maestro de GED se toma el tiempo para conocerte? 14) ¿Sientes que tu maestro de GED tiene expectativas positivas para ti? 15) ¿Sientes que le importas a tu maestro de GED? Favor de explicar. 16) ¿Las lecciones/libros incluyen a personas como tu (Mexicanos)? 17) ¿Cómo representan al Mexicano en los libros/ lecciones? ¿Cómo te hace sentir eso? 18) ¿Qué te gusta de tu clase de GED? ¿Qué no te gusta de tu clase de GED? 19) ¿Piensas ir a la clase de GED durante el verano? 20) ¿Faltas a la clase de GED? ¿Cuándo faltas, por qué faltas?¿Qué hace o te dice la maestra cuando faltas a la clase de GED? Si faltas mucho, ¿qué te ayudaría a faltar menos? 21) ¿Cuántos estudiantes hay en tu clase de GED? ¿Qué te parece el tamaño de la clase? 22) ¿Para cuándo quieres empezar a tomar las pruebas del GED? ¿Y terminar el GED por completo? ¿Crees que logres terminarlo? Favor de explicar. ¿Cómo es esta situación diferente de cuando no pudiste terminar la prepa? 23) ¿Has recibido información sobre la universidad, carreras, financial aid en tu clase de GED? ¿Qué tipo de información has recibido? 24) ¿Han cambiando tus metas profesionales desde que entraste a la clase de GED? ¿Cómo? 25) ¿Qué valor tiene el GED para ti?

296

APPENDIX C: DEFINITION OF TERMS 1. Non-completer/ non-completion: Denotes a student who did not complete high school. The common term used by NCES and TEA, is the term dropout and define it as the following: A student who was enrolled in a Texas public school in grades 7 – 12, but did not return to a Texas public school the following fall within the school-start window, was not expelled, did not graduate, receive a GED, continue high school outside the Texas public school system, or begin college, or die. (Secondary School Completion and Dropouts in Texas Public Schools, 2007-08, p.8)

Yet, for the purpose of this study, I use the term non-completer instead of dropout. Other scholars (such as Lutz, 2007) use the term non-completer in the same way. I have chosen to exclude the term “dropout” from my study because it presents a deficit framing of youth who do not graduate from high school.

2. double dropout: This term is used by practitionars to denote a student who enrolls in a GED program but stops attending classes prior to passing the GED test.

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